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The Politics and Economics of Shyness

Shyness is one of evolution's favorite behavioral attributes. The cross-cultural population percentages of shyness typically hover around the evolutionarily red-flag level of 50%. This varies by culture, as the Israelis report the lowest average rate of shyness at 30%, and the Japanese report the highest at 57%. More recent surveys put the rate of self-reported shyness in the United States at about 49% (although this number is as high as 90%, depending on how shyness is measured).

The pervasiveness of shyness means that it is performing a valuable evolutionary function. While many psychological schools of thought consider shyness to be a behavioral aberration, evolutionary psychologists have a different view.

Jerome Kagan proposed an interesting theory involving shyness and caucasians. Kagan proposed that the inhabitants of northern Europe were evolutionarily selected for body temperature maintenance, which was managed by an elevated noradrenergic influence on the sympathetic nervous system. But this was not without a cost. The elevated noradenergic activity also inhibits the production of melanin, resulting in lighter skin, blonder hair, and bluer eyes. Kagan also proposed that this elevated noradrenergic activity promoted shyness.

As we have noted many times on this website, elevated noradrenergic activity is closely associated with more liberalistic behaviors and attitudes. If this is indeed true, and elevated noradrenergic activity facilitates shyness, then we should also expect that Liberals would tend to be more shy than average.

In our Spring 2006 survey, we asked the 2,485 respondents to rate their shyness around strangers, which is one of the most common forms of shyness. In the graph below, we see the results.


Shyness Around Strangers: (Green=Somewhat Shy, Light Blue=Shy, Blue=Very Shy) (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, C=Conservative, VC=Very Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)

Most of our respondents reported some form of shyness around strangers. The Liberals reported the highest rate of overall shyness (Somewhat Shy + Shy + Very Shy) in both genders. The Liberal and Very Liberal females reported higher levels of Shy + Very Shy responses (24.4% and 23.4%, respectively) relative to the Conservative and Very Conservative females (18.8% and 14.3%).

The Very Liberal and Liberal males also rated higher in the Shy + Very Shy responses (31.8% and 29.8%) when compared to the Conservative and Very Conservatives (26.3% and 19.8%). The Very Conservative males reported the lowest rate of overall shyness.

While there was no discernable pattern in the Somewhat Shy responses across political cohorts, the Shy and Very Shy responses were more highly correlated with Liberal males and females.

Shyness and Introversion

Shyness and introversion are closely related, but not identical neuropsychological attributes. Shyness is highly correlated with activity in the amygdala and anterior cingulate, along with a potential mediating role of the politically-hot orbitofrontal cortex. Further, this activity is asymmetrically elevated in the right hemisphere. Introversion is more closely associated with prefrontal cortical activity, along with activity in the anterior thalamus and insula. The orbitofrontal cortex has also been implicated in introversion, and therefore provides a potential link to the comorbidity of shyness and introversion.

Shyness is so highly correlated with introversion that we must take great care in isolating the respective contributions of each to political, religious, and economic behavior. As we noted in the March 2006 edition, introverts are typically less religious, less likely to participate in organized groups, less likely to believe in their political party's platforms, and less likely to give as much weight to what other people believe, inside or outside of their social groups.

But let's take a look at the correlation between shyness and introversion we detected in our Spring 2006 survey. In the graph below, we combined the varying degrees of reported introversion and extroversion into just two categories. Those indicating that they were Somewhat Introverted, Introverted, or Very Introverted were aggregated into just one category, Introverted. We aggregated the Extroverted in the same way. The Very Shy, Shy, and Somewhat Shy were also aggregated into Shy. In the graph below, we also combined the Very Conservatives with the Conservatives and the Very Liberals with the Liberals.


Rates of Introversion (in Blue) vs. Extroversion (in Red) with Shyness and non-Shyness (L=Liberal, C=Conservative ) (F=Female, M=Male)

As can be seen in the above graph, shyness is highly correlated with introversion, and non-shyness is highly correlated with extroversion across all political-gender cohorts. Also note that the females report higher levels of extroversion than males, regardless of political orientation.

The Conservatives of both genders were more likely to be extroverted than the Liberals. We also found this same pattern in our Winter 2006 survey and reported it in our February 2006 edition. Conservatives also reported higher rates of extroversion even if they reported some level of shyness around strangers.

The Liberal males reported the highest correlation between shyness and introversion (.82), and the Conservative females reported the lowest (.70). The Liberal females were at (.76) and the Conservative males were at (.75).

Conversely, the Conservative females reported the highest correlation of extroversion with non-shyness, at (.82), and the Liberal males reported the lowest (.62). Again, the Conservative males fell in between at (.76) and the Liberal females were slightly behind them at (.73).

What Inhibits Religious Beliefs More--Shyness or Introversion?

In our March 2006 edition, we talked about the impact of introversion and extroversion on religious beliefs. Introverts, on average, were less religious than extroverts. Since we did not explicitly control for shyness in our Winter 2006 survey, we were not sure of the respective correlations of introversion and shyness to religious disposition. Based on indirect evidence at the time, we proposed that introversion was more active in reducing religious disposition than was shyness.

We subsequently controlled for shyness in our Spring 2006 survey, and found that introversion is indeed more active than shyness in inhibiting religious disposition. In our Spring 2006 survey, introversion was strongly correlated with religious inhibition. While shyness and religious inhibition were mildly correlated, the results are not statistically significant and are still inconclusive.

This subtle distinction lends some credence to our proposal that religious inhibition is promoted by the prefrontal cortex. More specificially, the dopaminergic pathway originating in the substantia nigra and the noradrenergic pathway originating in the locus coeruleus may be impairing religiosity. These two pathways can elevate the activity levels of the frontal lobes.

Shyness, Introversion, and Conflict

One of the evolutionary values of shyness, and to a lesser extent introversion, can be seen in the reduction in social conflict. Eye contact maintenance is a pervasive dominance behavior in primates, and frequently leads to violence. In all primates, the propensity to disengage from eye contact maintenance lowers the level of conflict. Shyness and introversion substantially reduce the maintenance of eye contact, as can be seen in the graph below.


More Than Average Eye Contact: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert) (F=Female, M=Male)

In the above graph, we consolidated the responses across all political cohorts. The percentages represent those responding that they maintain constant or more than average eye contact during conversations. Shyness has a greater impact on the reduction on eye contact than does introversion.

Females, on average, maintain slightly more eye contact than males. However, the male and female patterns are remarkably similar. The non-shy extroverts maintain very high rates of eye contact. Conversely, shy introverts have substantially lower rates across both genders.

The Economics of Shyness and Introversion

The economic impact of shyness and introversion is shown in the following graphs. The first graph shows the impact of shyness and introversion on business formation. We asked the 2,485 respondents to our Spring 2006 survey if they had ever started their own business? Below are the percentages of those responding yes.


Percentage Starting Their Own Business: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert) (F=Female, M=Male)

In the above graph, we see an interesting inverse relationship between business formation, shyness, and introversion. The non-shy respondents reported the highest rate of starting their own business, and the shy respondents reported the lowest.

Introversion, when combined with shyness, would further reduce the rate of business formation in both males and females. Introversion in males seems to be more active in reducing the propensity for business formation than it does in females. Shyness in females is highly active.

Finally, in the graph below, we see the relationship between household income, shyness, and introversion.


Household Income: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert) (F=Female, M=Male)

Unfortunately, we did not control for individual income versus spousal income, or educational levels (which was thrown off by some media coverage of this website during the sample period). Therefore, the results are not conclusive, but still interesting.

In males, combined non-shyness and extroversion reported the highest household income levels, and shy introverts reported the lowest. In females, the shy introverts also reported the lowest household income. Again, without controlling for spousal income, these results are not as meaningful.

Discussion

The Liberals and Very Liberals reported the highest rates of shyness in both genders. This is not surprising, since shyness correlates highly with introversion, depression, and anxiety--which also are elevated for the Liberals.

As previously noted, one of the evolutionary values of shyness is to reduce the conflict levels associated with high rates of social contact. However, we suspect there are numerous other advantages, such as the reduction in microbial exposure to conversational contact with others. The elevation in shyness rates with population density is not coincidental.

But the advantages of non-shyness and extroversion are also significant, as can be seen in the impacts on household income and business formation. While we did not control for the success rates of these business ventures, the elevation in household income is highly correlated with the propensity for business formation. In an economy dependent on business formation, the non-shy extroverts are leading the charge. However, the technological signature of business ventures initiated by introverts may indeed be different, on average, than extroverts.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dominance Behavior

Part 3 of How Conservatives and Liberals Organize Into Social Groups

Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth.
Jesus Christ

Whether or not the meek shall inherit the earth is still much in doubt. However, the adaptation of social submissiveness into early Christian doctrine is not. Christianity was originally a religion of the poor, promoting tolerance for earthly oppression and subsequent compensation by heavenly rewards. But the social submissiveness promoted in early Christianity was also accompanied by a kinder and gentler deity, one that even sacrificed himself for his followers, as opposed to the angry and vengeful God of the Old Testament.


Overt Human Dominance Behavior Unleashed By The Protection of a Moving Automobile

Christianity would reduce God’s human-like dominance behavior and at the same time promote non-violent social behavior. The survival value of social submissiveness is quite positive for a new religion, particularly in the first century Roman "protectorate" of Judeah. But the Christian introduction of a loving, self-sacrificing God would help to promote the spread of Christianity. The oppressed Christians removed the oppressive behavior from their God.

Unfortunately, removing oppressive behavior from other humans wouldn't be as easy. Primate dominance and submissive behaviors are as old as primates themselves, and humans have inherited more than their fair share. This innate tendency for dominance has been well documented in children as young as two. As any parent can attest to, kids readily use aggression and violence in disputes over toys. As soon as dominance is established within groups of young children, violence is minimized.

Genetics and Dominance Behavior

Adult dominance behavior has surprisingly (and suspiciously) been given a free pass from psychological scrutiny, perhaps related to the unusually political nature of scientific research. But a trickle of studies have yielded some interesting results. It seems that the resolution of dominance and deference, more commonly referred to as submissiveness, is hard-wired into our genes.

Humans will adjust their vocal frequency patterns to match those of what they perceive to be more dominant humans during conversations. Humans adjust their gait to match dominants. Humans utilize more mental resources in tracking the behaviors of the more dominant members. Humans generate more cortisol in their presence. Humans adjust their eye-contact patterns based on dominance-submission assessments. All this is done subconsciously, and is the product of millions of years of primate evolution.

But the developing primate brain would challenge overt violence-based dominance behaviors, and therefore change the way they were executed. Chimps would precede humans in the usage of complex social alliances to safely execute dominance. As the primate brain grew, violence-based dominance became difficult without organized social alliances. In humans, dominance would become difficult (and dangerous) to maintain without some form of benefit for both the dominant and submissive parties.

This would tend to limit the usage of dominance behaviors to workplace or family environments, where some benefit could be obtained even for subordinate members. Both of these environments are engaged in the control of resources. Dominance, for our purposes, is defined as resource-control.

Practicing overt dominance behaviors outside of these social groups is dangerous, and humans generally have well-adapted behavioral inhibition mechanisms to properly select the time and place to engage in dominance. The automobile, as seen above photo, would provide a safe haven for the overt display of dominance behaviors (not to mention the blogosphere).

Dominance behaviors are related to some form of resource-control, and the reproductive advantages of socially dominant primates is substantial. Primate dominance displays are designed to increase the perceived physical prowess and threat assessments from competing conspecifics, and humans have done much to adapt these into more subtle and less aggressive behaviors while maintaining the same dominance impact.

The question is, are dominance behaviors practiced equally by Conservatives and Liberals?

Maintenance of Eye Contact

One such primate dominance behavior inherited by humans is maintenance of eye contact. Maintaining eye contact is a common dominance behavior throughout the primate world. However, we must be careful here, as eye contact is also utilized to resolve emotional states in others and also to convey affiliative attitudes. Extracting competitive versus affiliative motivations for maintaining eye contact is not easy.

We asked the 2,485 respondents to our survey how frequently do you maintain eye contact during conversations?


Eye Contact: Constantly (in Red), More Than Half the Time (in Yellow) (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative, VC=Very Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)

In the above graph, we see the constantly and more than half of the time responses by political and gender cohorts. The Conservatives in both genders are more likely to maintain constant eye contact during conversations. The females, on average, were more likely than males to maintain constant eye contact.

However, this does not distinguish whether this elevation in Conservative eye contact is an expression of a subtle form of dominance behavior or an enhanced tendency for affiliation and resolving emotional states in others. To shed some light on this, let's look at how eye contact correlates to rank within the workplace. In the graph below, we see the percentages of those respondents that report higher than average rank within their workplace. In this graph, we combined the Very Conservative cohort into the Conservative cohort, and the Very Liberal cohort into the Liberal cohort.


Higher Than Average Rank At the Workplace: (Less=Less than half eye contact, Half=Half eye contact, More=More than half eye contact) (L=Liberal, C=Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)

In this graph, we see the remarkable correlation between eye contact and rank at the workplace. Those with the lowest rates of eye contact achieve the lowest ranks, on average. Those with the highest rates of eye contact achieve the highest ranks. The Conservative females with less eye contact did not report a single case of being in the upper echelons of their workplaces.

Interestingly, the Conservatives with less eye contact were much less likely to achieve higher ranks than were the Liberals with less eye contact. On the other hand, the Conservative males with more eye contact were the undisputed kings of the workplace.

This is evidence that the elevation in eye contact has dominance overtones, at least for males. But this is to be expected, as the Conservative male's greater propensity to organize into hierarchical social groups is facilitated by dominance behaviors. While the Conservative females have reported, on average, a greater tendency to ascend into the higher ranks at their workplaces, it is not as pronounced and conclusive as the Conservative male trend.

The Liberals are also using dominance behaviors successfully at the workplace, as indicative of their correlation between workplace rank and eye contact. But on average, Liberals were less likely than Conservatives to report this key behavior.

Discussion

The controversial issue of variations in Conservative and Liberal dominance behaviors will certainly not be resolved with the very limited evidence we have gathered. We have only controlled for one well-established primate dominance behavior, maintenance of eye contact, and the possibility that there are dominance behaviors practiced more by Liberals is quite good. For example, Liberals curse more than Conservatives, and public cursing may have dominance overtones.

It is probable that the Conservative ascent into higher ranks at the workplace may not only be related to their greater tendency towards dominance behaviors, but also their greater tendency for submissive behaviors towards dominant members. The elevated acceptance of the rich and powerful by the Conservatives may be indicative of this propensity. Interestingly, the low ranking Conservatives reported the lowest eye contact levels of any political cohort--even lower than the Liberals.

Conservatives indeed may be better at executing both dominance and submissive behaviors than are the Liberals. The enhanced tendency of the male Conservatives to organize into hierarchical social groups is certainly facilitated by alternating displays of dominance and submissive behaviors in the appropriate situations.

Obvious examples of this are military organizations, which exhibit overt dominance and submissive behaviors, plainly visible social ranks, high rates of intragroup competition, and elevated threat assessments from external groups. It is no coincidence that military organizations have a substantial majority of Conservatives, and further evidence of the Conservative male's tendency to organize into hierarchical social groups.

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The Hemisphericity of Fascism and Communism

Hemisphericity is the tendency to favor the cognitive style of the brain's left or right hemisphere. The vertebrate brain is a paired-organ, and each hemisphere is specialized in both sensory-motor and cognitive functionality. This difference is illustrated in the following artwork.


The Left and Right Brain Drawings of the Triangle on the Left

The drawing on the left of the triangle consisting of tiny squares was requested to be redrawn by a split-brain patient. The drawing in the middle was done by the patient's left hemisphere, and the drawing on the right was done by the right hemisphere.

The left hemisphere did not see the overall shape of the individual parts. The right hemisphere did not see the individual details within the overall shape. This difference is indicative of two different views of the world, one based on a categorization system that supports the relative organization of objects (the left hemisphere), and one based on a coordinate system providing an internal neural analog map of the external world (the right hemisphere).

The differences in hemispheric cognition are substantial, and provide the foundation for variations in political, religious, and economic behavior, which has been proposed in Brack and Zhang's Hemisphericity Theory of Political Orientation.

In our Spring 2006 survey, we detected a strong correlation between hemisphericity and the "forced" preference of fascism and communism. By "forced", we mean that the respondents were asked to choose one of the following three alternatives--anarchy, fascism, and communism.

We also controlled for hemisphericity, assigning each respondent into one of three possible hemispheric orientations based on their responses: left-brained, right-brained, or bilateral. In the graph below, we see the "forced" preferences for fascism versus communism. These results were weighted for an equal number of Conservatives and Liberals, and include the Moderate, Libertarian, and Apolitical respondents.


"Forced" Preference for Communism (in Blue) versus Fascism (in Red) (Left=Left Hemispheric Preference, Right=Right Hemispheric Preference, Bilateral=No hemispheric preference) (F=Female, M=Male)

As can be seen, the preference for communism versus fascism is a function of hemisphericity. Females, in general, have a stronger preference for communism over fascism than do males (males would have higher preferences for anarchy, which is not shown). The female preference for fascism would be highest in the "left-brained" females, and would decrease as the hemisphericity rating shifted towards the right hemisphere.

The "left-brained" males would favor fascism over communism, and the males with no hemispheric preference would favor communism over fascism. The "right-brained" males had a very strong preference for communism over fascism.

Interestingly, the left-hemisphere's categorization, reward-seeking, and monosemantic nature seems to favor fascist social organizations. The right-hemisphere's coordinate mapping, reward-inhibition, and polysemantic nature seems to favor communist social organizations.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Birth Rates, Warfare, Stress Disorders, and the Conservative-Liberal Ratio

Part 2 of The Evolutionary Value of Conservatism and Liberalism

Conservatism and Liberalism are as much reproductive strategies as they are political ideologies. Simply put, the Conservatives (and the religious) are more likely to align their habitats to their birth rates, and the Liberals are more likely to align their birth rates to their habitats. (Our data is heavily weighted towards caucasians, and we cannot, with any certainty, make this same assertion for other ethnicities, although it may indeed be true).

Evolutionary biologists refer to this phenomenon as reproductive polymorphism--which simply means that members of the same population are practicing different reproductive strategies. This is quite common in the animal kingdom, and it should be no surprise that different reproductive strategies correspond to different political and religious dispositions in humans. But the Conservative advantage in reproduction and the heritability of political attitudes naturally raises the question--does the probability of warfare increase as the Liberals gradually dwindle in their political influence due to their reduced birth rates?

In last month's edition, we discussed John Maynard Smith's first attempt at the application of evolutionary biology to animal "political" behavior. The left-leaning Smith invented the Hawk-Dove game, where his war-mongering Hawks stole all of the peaceful Dove's resources without any resistance. The Hawks were only at risk when they encountered another Hawk, at which time a conflict ensued, causing substantial damage to both Hawks.

The proportions of Hawks and Doves would oscillate in peace-and-conflict cycles. The decrease in the proportion of Doves caused by their resource losses to the Hawks would increase the number of Hawks and also the rate of conflict with other Hawks, which would subsequently decrease the number of Hawks and increase the proportions of the Doves, and so on. Ironically, the Hawks were killed by war, and the Doves were killed by peace. Adding a reproductive advantage for the Hawks to this model would amplify the changes in Hawk-Dove proportions.

As discussed in last month's edition, all of this implies that political orientation is heritable, and the recent heterozygous and homozygous twins studies by Bouchard and Alford have indeed given genetics priority over environment in the determination of political attitudes.

But is there any historical evidence of oscillations in the proportions of Liberals and Conservatives that are the result of peace-and-conflict cycles?

The Vietnam War, which was Smith's primary inspiration for the Hawk-Dove game, was limited in scale--at least on the American side. The resulting genetically-induced political shift in the American population was not likely to be detectable, and certainly the environmental influences on subsequent political attitudes were more significant. (The psychological impact of warfare on political disposition will be discussed later in this article).

If genetically-induced political shifts via peace-and-conflict cycles were detectable, World War II would certainly be the best opportunity. Germany lost about 3.5 million military personnel and about 1.6 million civilians, which leaned less to the right than the average German soldier. By itself, the higher rate of attrition of military personnel shifts the average political dispositions of the total population leftward, although this would only be detectable in large scale warfare.

The strong rightward political shift in pre-war Germany that was subsequently followed by a pronounced leftward political shift at the end of World War II was certainly one of the most remarkable political phenomena of the 20th century. The loss of 3.5 million German soldiers most likely constituted a measurable influence contributing to this shift.

One of the interesting aspects of World War II was the strong elevation in birth rates in Germany during the 1930s. German birth rates were exceptionally low at the turn of the 20th century, at about 3 births per 1000 people, and escalated rapidly during Hitler's "restoration of the family" program. At the start of World War II, birth rates reached their maximum level at 20 per 1000. (Hitler would award a golden Honor Cross of the German Mother for women that had more than eight children).

But are high birth rates and warfare just a coincidence?

The Turchin Population-Warfare Models

The Malthusian population-warfare model has been the subject of much debate since its introduction in 1798. While it has gone through periods of favor and disfavor within the anthropological community, a recent case-study analysis by Turchin and Korotayev has indeed found strong positive correlations between population growth and warfare, at least in agrarian societies.

By comparing the warfare and population data from the Roman Empire, Han and Tang China, and early modern England, they found a strong correlation between conflict and population growth. They also found that population would frequently peak right before periods of conflict, at which point the populations would shrink rapidly. They detected a population-warfare cycle that would oscillate in 100 to 300 year cycles.

The Turchin analysis and population-warfare models did not acknowledge the different reproductive rates of the various political-religious phenotypes. While Germany fit a population-warfare model quite well, with a pre-war increase in birth rates followed by a post-war decrease, German birth rates would not hit their 20th century high mark until the 1960s.

Obviously, pure population-warfare models would work a lot better after the introduction of resource competition, age composition, and productivity changes. Modern day population-warfare models can contain dozens of independent variables, and provide remarkably close fits to historical data. To our knowledge, no current model exists that incorporates birth rate variations by political-religious phenotypes.

The German case certainly had a number of variables that came together to create the unprecedented cataclysm of World War II. While it is speculative that higher right-wing birth rates were a contributing factor in the pre-war German rightward shift--the post-war era is of more interest.

Post-War German Liberalism

The post-war German shift towards liberalism was met with quite a bit of suspicion among the occupation forces, and with good reason. But over and above the post-war German tendency to feign anti-Nazi attitudes, liberal attitude shifts seem to occur quickly after substantial warfare losses of a rightest regime.

The defeat of Napoleon led to an immediate leftward shift in France. The Chinese defeats at the hands of the Japanese led to the rise of Mao Zedong. The World War I German defeat resulted in a brief experiment with democracy. The British victory in the Falklands led to the overthrow of the military regime in Argentina.

The leftward shift in political attitudes occurs invariably after a rightward regime suffers a substantial military defeat. However, the reverse is also true, and seen more recently in the defeat of the Democrats in 1968 during the lingering Vietnam War.

Warfare events create rapid swings in political dispositions. But many of these swings are only temporary. In the German case, Hitler's initial victories in the Rhineland, Austria, and the Sudetenland were swift, relatively bloodless, and would further shift the population towards the right and positioning Germany for even riskier endeavors.

But the attack on Russia would lead to substantial battlefield losses, immediately lowering the benefit-cost assessments of the war, fueling German liberalistic attitudes, and finally resulting in an assassination attempt on Hitler in July of 1944. As the Russians advanced, attitudes promoting peace with Russia were sharply on the rise. This was a remarkable political turnaround in a society, where just a few years earlier, very few self-proclaimed "peace-niks" could be found.

Warfare and the Liberalization of Populations

Rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in warfare vary with the type of warfare experience. About 25% of American combat soldiers in Vietnam were afflicted with PTSD. For soldiers subjected to the highest rates of combat, the rate swelled to 65%. For prisoners of war, the rate was about 50%, which was also the rate for wartime refugees.

But PTSD has some long-lasting impacts on the brain, one of which is to shift the perceptual, cognitive, and autonomic processes more towards the right hemisphere--the hemisphere more closely associated with liberalistic attitudes. PTSD patients also report higher rates of depression, social anxiety disorder, and agoraphobia, which coincidentally, are all elevated in Liberals.

While we have no direct evidence that PTSD coincides with a "liberalization" of one's political views, it certainly is consistent with the general Liberal pattern of elevated anxious and depressive disorders. The strong shift towards liberalism in post-war Germany and Japan certainly correlates strongly with the widespread PTSD in those respective populations.

The influence of first-generation PTSD can be spread to the offspring, as studies of hetero and homozygous twins have established. Parental anxious-depressive disorders can be transmitted to offspring via environmental exposure. We saw an interesting pattern from our Fall 2005 survey of 2,162 respondents, where we asked: Did your mother and/or father have any depressive or anxious symptoms when you were growing up? In the graph below, we see the percentage of those observing depressive or anxious symptoms in their parents.


Those Reporting Parents Exhibited Depressive/Anxiety Disorders: (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, C=Conservative, VC=Very Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)

As we see in the above graph, the Liberals had a substantial elevation in their reports of parental anxiety-depression. The Very Liberals reported the highest levels, and the Very Conservatives reported the lowest. Also note that females reported higher rates than males, on average. This is possibly due to the superiority of female emotional recognition.

Unfortunately, we were not able to provide any indicators of the genetic versus environmental contribution that explains the reported Liberal elevation. However, based on other studies, the environmental influences can be as high as 50%. Therefore, we must certainly consider the possibility that PTSD has a multi-generational impact on political disposition, and that impact would tend to be more liberal.

Discussion

The rightward-shift in pre-war German political tendencies would be difficult to explain using a pure population-warfare model, even if acquiring more German territory was paramount in the mind of Hitler. Hitler's ideal of Lebensraum ("living space") was borrowed from Friedrich Ratzel, who proposed that species must continue to expand the space they occupy in order to maintain genetic vigor.

Getting Germany into the position of pulling the trigger on Operation Barbarossa would take a lot more than just overcrowding, and all of those other conditions existed at the time Hitler made his fatal mistake of invading Russia. Germany was coming off an impressive string of military successes which also contributed to the decision.

However, the post-war liberalization of Germany requires fewer explanations. First was the simple elimination of millions of German Army male soldiers which were more right-wing than the average German civilian (based on the fact that military personnel tend to be more right-wing than the average civilian). This is analogous to the Hawks being killed by war, and the Doves being killed by peace model in Smith's game.

Second was the widespread post-traumatic stress disorder experienced by both German soldiers and civilians, mainly in the eastern industrialized regions. We believe that PTSD has a long-term liberalizing influence on political attitudes, which may indeed be environmentally inherited by their children.

Thirdly, the incapacity of Germany to wage war was certainly an inducement for Germans to more readily embrace liberalistic attitudes, as there were no more benefits and substantial losses to be obtained by further warfare. Once the ability to wage war is removed, liberalism is not far behind. However, post-war German liberalism was by no means ubiquitous, as liberalistic attitudes were feigned at a very high rate immediately after the war.

The hypothesis that the asymmetrical birth rates of Conservatives and Liberals are contributing to a long-term increase in the Conservative-to-Liberal ratio obviously begs the question--why are there still so many Liberals?

Does this also imply that an increasing Conservative-to-Liberal ratio results in a greater probability for a society to engage in conflict? Further, as in Smith's Hawks vs. Doves game, do these conflicts reduce the numbers of Conservatives relative to the Liberals?

Meaningful reductions in the numbers of the right-wing would presumably only take place in full-scale warfare, which would result in large reductions in the number of military personnel. While this seems not to be applicable to the very limited-scale warfare of the last 60 years, this was possibly a significant evolutionary process throughout human history, at least prior to 1946. However, no such studies currently exist that detail the changes in political-religious phenotypes in peace-and-warfare cycles, so this remains to be seen.

The higher caucasian Conservative birth rates have certainly been a contributing factor to increasing the caucasian Conservative-to-Liberal ratio. However, several other conservatizing processes are at work, such as the migration of caucasians into the lower latitudes of the U.S., which we believe contributes to Conservative attitudes, via the enhanced impact of sunlight on the production of the sex hormones. We have also proposed that an aging population further raises the Conservative-to-Liberal ratio via the asymmetric aging of the right hemisphere.

With all these tendencies helping the Conservatives, the percentage of U.S. Liberals is maintaining some stability due to the immigration of non-caucasians. While numerous studies are giving contrasting (and politically motivated) statistics on the trends in the proportions of Conservatives and Liberals, the U.S. general elections are the best indicator of the American Conservative political trend.

However, we believe there are a number of other factors that tend to either secularly liberalize or conservatize populations. These phenomena are diverse and sometimes surprising, as we will discuss at length in upcoming editions.

We believe that the growing segregation of caucasian Conservatives from the Liberals are due to a number of variables, including both their asymmetric latitudinal distribution and the explosion in the number of politically polarized media sources. The American political news diet was typically fed by three major television networks, which contributed to less polarity in political attitudes. However, this historically moderating influence is no longer very operational.

However, few things have the instantaneous impact on political attitudes as does warfare. This to be expected, as warfare attitudes are built right on top of our fight-vs-flight instinct. As we see in the current Iraqi conflict, humans are especially practical about warfare. The benefit-cost assessments of warfare are a negative function of time, and the American electorate, even after its substantial infusion of caucasian Conservatism created by higher Conservative birth rates for the last several decades, is threatening the Republican control of Congress.

Whether or not the current incursion into Iraq was motivated by defense and/or resource competition for oil is not relevant for our purposes, as both cognitive tendencies have similar neurological signatures. Unlike the Vietnam War, which led to the downfall of the Democrats in 1968, the Iraqi Conflict did not lead to a corresponding downfall for the Republicans. The higher Conservative birth rates since the end of World War II certainly imposed their will on the 2004 U.S. elections.

They will get their next test in 2006.

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Brack and Zhang, May 2006

 

Email: Brack@Neuropolitics.org
          Zhang@Neuropolitics.org

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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