The
Politics and Economics of Shyness
Shyness
is one of evolution's favorite behavioral attributes. The cross-cultural
population percentages of shyness typically hover around the
evolutionarily red-flag level of 50%. This varies by culture, as the
Israelis report the lowest average rate of shyness at 30%, and the Japanese
report the highest at 57%. More recent surveys put the rate of self-reported
shyness in the United States at about 49% (although this number is as
high as 90%, depending on how shyness is measured).
The
pervasiveness of shyness means that it is performing a valuable
evolutionary function. While many psychological schools of thought consider
shyness to be a behavioral aberration, evolutionary psychologists
have a different view.
Jerome
Kagan proposed an interesting theory involving shyness and
caucasians. Kagan proposed that the inhabitants of northern Europe were
evolutionarily selected for body temperature maintenance, which was
managed by an elevated noradrenergic influence on the sympathetic nervous
system. But this was not without a cost. The elevated noradenergic activity
also inhibits the production of melanin, resulting in lighter skin,
blonder hair, and bluer eyes. Kagan also proposed that this elevated
noradrenergic activity promoted shyness.
As
we have noted many times on this website, elevated noradrenergic activity
is closely associated with more liberalistic behaviors and attitudes.
If this is indeed true, and elevated noradrenergic activity facilitates
shyness, then we should also expect that Liberals would tend to be more
shy than average.
In
our Spring 2006 survey, we asked the 2,485 respondents to rate their
shyness around strangers, which is one of the most common forms
of shyness. In the graph below, we see the results.

Shyness Around Strangers: (Green=Somewhat
Shy, Light Blue=Shy, Blue=Very
Shy) (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, C=Conservative, VC=Very Conservative)
(F=Female, M=Male)
Most
of our respondents reported some form of shyness around strangers.
The Liberals reported the highest rate of overall shyness (Somewhat
Shy + Shy + Very Shy) in both genders. The Liberal and Very
Liberal females reported higher levels of Shy + Very Shy responses
(24.4% and 23.4%, respectively) relative to the Conservative and Very
Conservative females (18.8% and 14.3%).
The
Very Liberal and Liberal males also rated higher in the Shy + Very
Shy responses (31.8% and 29.8%) when compared to the Conservative
and Very Conservatives (26.3% and 19.8%). The Very Conservative males
reported the lowest rate of overall shyness.
While
there was no discernable pattern in the Somewhat Shy responses
across political cohorts, the Shy and Very Shy responses
were more highly correlated with Liberal males and females.
Shyness and Introversion
Shyness
and introversion are closely related, but not identical neuropsychological
attributes. Shyness is highly correlated with activity in the amygdala
and anterior cingulate, along with a potential mediating role of the
politically-hot orbitofrontal cortex. Further, this activity is asymmetrically
elevated in the right hemisphere. Introversion is more closely associated
with prefrontal cortical activity, along with activity in the anterior
thalamus and insula. The orbitofrontal cortex has also been implicated
in introversion, and therefore provides a potential link to the comorbidity
of shyness and introversion.
Shyness
is so highly correlated with introversion that we must take great
care in isolating the respective contributions of each to political,
religious, and economic behavior. As we noted in the March 2006 edition,
introverts are typically less religious, less likely to participate
in organized groups, less likely to believe in their political party's
platforms, and less likely to give as much weight to what other people
believe, inside or outside of their social groups.
But
let's take a look at the correlation between shyness and introversion
we detected in our Spring 2006 survey. In the graph below, we combined
the varying degrees of reported introversion and extroversion
into just two categories. Those indicating that they were Somewhat
Introverted, Introverted, or Very Introverted were aggregated
into just one category, Introverted. We aggregated the Extroverted
in the same way. The Very Shy, Shy, and Somewhat Shy were
also aggregated into Shy. In the graph below, we also combined
the Very Conservatives with the Conservatives and the Very Liberals
with the Liberals.

Rates of Introversion (in Blue)
vs. Extroversion (in Red) with Shyness
and non-Shyness (L=Liberal, C=Conservative ) (F=Female, M=Male)
As can be seen
in the above graph, shyness
is highly correlated with introversion,
and non-shyness is highly correlated with extroversion
across all political-gender cohorts. Also note that the females report
higher levels of extroversion than males, regardless of political orientation.
The Conservatives
of both genders were more likely to be extroverted than the Liberals.
We also found this same pattern in our Winter 2006 survey and reported
it in our February 2006 edition. Conservatives also reported higher
rates of extroversion even if they reported some level of shyness around
strangers.
The Liberal males
reported the highest correlation between shyness and introversion (.82),
and the Conservative females reported the lowest (.70). The Liberal
females were at (.76) and the Conservative males were at (.75).
Conversely, the
Conservative females reported the highest correlation of extroversion
with non-shyness, at (.82), and the Liberal males reported the lowest
(.62). Again, the Conservative males fell in between at (.76) and the
Liberal females were slightly behind them at (.73).
What
Inhibits Religious Beliefs More--Shyness or Introversion?
In our March 2006
edition, we talked about the impact of introversion and extroversion
on religious beliefs. Introverts, on average, were less religious than
extroverts. Since we did not explicitly control for shyness in our Winter
2006 survey, we were not sure of the respective correlations of introversion
and shyness to religious disposition. Based on indirect evidence at
the time, we proposed that introversion was more active in reducing
religious disposition than was shyness.
We subsequently
controlled for shyness in our Spring 2006 survey, and found that introversion
is indeed more active than shyness in inhibiting religious disposition.
In our Spring 2006 survey, introversion was strongly correlated
with religious inhibition. While shyness and religious inhibition were
mildly correlated, the results are not statistically significant and
are still inconclusive.
This subtle distinction
lends some credence to our proposal that religious inhibition is promoted
by the prefrontal cortex. More specificially, the dopaminergic pathway
originating in the substantia nigra and the noradrenergic pathway originating
in the locus coeruleus may be impairing religiosity. These two pathways
can elevate the activity levels of the frontal lobes.
Shyness,
Introversion, and Conflict
One of the evolutionary
values of shyness, and to a lesser extent introversion, can be seen
in the reduction in social conflict. Eye contact maintenance
is a pervasive dominance behavior in primates, and frequently leads
to violence. In all primates, the propensity to disengage from eye
contact maintenance lowers the level of conflict. Shyness and introversion
substantially reduce the maintenance of eye contact, as can be
seen in the graph below.

More Than Average Eye Contact: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert) (F=Female,
M=Male)
In the above graph,
we consolidated the responses across all political cohorts. The percentages
represent those responding that they maintain constant or more
than average eye contact during conversations. Shyness has a greater
impact on the reduction on eye contact than does introversion.
Females, on average,
maintain slightly more eye contact than males. However, the male and
female patterns are remarkably similar. The non-shy extroverts maintain
very high rates of eye contact. Conversely, shy introverts have substantially
lower rates across both genders.
The
Economics of Shyness and Introversion
The
economic impact of shyness and introversion is shown in the following
graphs. The first graph shows the impact of shyness and introversion
on business formation. We asked the 2,485 respondents to our Spring
2006 survey if they had ever started their own business? Below
are the percentages of those responding yes.

Percentage Starting Their Own Business: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert)
(F=Female, M=Male)
In
the above graph, we see an interesting inverse relationship between
business formation, shyness, and introversion. The non-shy respondents
reported the highest rate of starting their own business, and
the shy respondents reported the lowest.
Introversion, when combined with shyness, would further reduce the rate
of business formation in both males and females. Introversion in males
seems to be more active in reducing the propensity for business formation
than it does in females. Shyness in females is highly active.
Finally,
in the graph below, we see the relationship between household income,
shyness, and introversion.

Household Income: (E=Extrovert, I=Introvert)
(F=Female, M=Male)
Unfortunately,
we did not control for individual income versus spousal income, or educational
levels (which was thrown off by some media coverage of this website
during the sample period). Therefore, the results are not conclusive,
but still interesting.
In
males, combined non-shyness and extroversion reported the highest household
income levels, and shy introverts reported the lowest. In females, the
shy introverts also reported the lowest household income. Again, without
controlling for spousal income, these results are not as meaningful.
Discussion
The
Liberals and Very Liberals reported the highest rates of shyness in
both genders. This is not surprising, since shyness correlates highly
with introversion, depression, and anxiety--which also are elevated
for the Liberals.
As
previously noted, one of the evolutionary values of shyness is
to reduce the conflict levels associated with high rates of social contact.
However, we suspect there are numerous other advantages, such as the
reduction in microbial exposure to conversational contact with others.
The elevation in shyness rates with population density is not coincidental.
But
the advantages of non-shyness and extroversion are also significant,
as can be seen in the impacts on household income and business formation.
While we did not control for the success rates of these business ventures,
the elevation in household income is highly correlated with the propensity
for business formation. In an economy dependent on business formation,
the non-shy extroverts are leading the charge. However, the technological
signature of business ventures initiated by introverts may indeed be
different, on average, than extroverts.
|
Dominance
Behavior
Part
3 of
How Conservatives and Liberals Organize Into Social Groups
Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the
earth.
Jesus Christ
Whether
or not the meek shall inherit the earth is still much in doubt. However,
the adaptation of social submissiveness into early Christian doctrine
is not. Christianity was originally a religion of the poor, promoting
tolerance for earthly oppression and subsequent compensation by heavenly
rewards. But the social submissiveness promoted in early Christianity
was also accompanied by a kinder and gentler deity, one that even sacrificed
himself for his followers, as opposed to the angry and vengeful God
of the Old Testament.

Overt Human Dominance Behavior Unleashed By The Protection
of a Moving Automobile
Christianity
would reduce Gods human-like dominance behavior and at the same
time promote non-violent social behavior. The survival value of social
submissiveness is quite positive for a new religion, particularly in
the first century Roman "protectorate" of Judeah. But the
Christian introduction of a loving, self-sacrificing God would help
to promote the spread of Christianity. The oppressed Christians removed
the oppressive behavior from their God.
Unfortunately,
removing oppressive behavior from other humans wouldn't be as easy.
Primate dominance and submissive behaviors are as old as primates themselves,
and humans have inherited more than their fair share. This innate tendency
for dominance has been well documented in children as young as two.
As any parent can attest to, kids readily use aggression and violence
in disputes over toys. As soon as dominance is established within groups
of young children, violence is minimized.
Genetics
and Dominance Behavior
Adult dominance behavior has surprisingly (and suspiciously) been given
a free pass from psychological scrutiny, perhaps related to the unusually
political nature of scientific research. But a trickle of studies have
yielded some interesting results. It seems that the resolution of dominance
and deference, more commonly referred to as submissiveness,
is hard-wired into our genes.
Humans will adjust their vocal frequency patterns to match those of
what they perceive to be more dominant humans during conversations.
Humans adjust their gait to match dominants. Humans utilize more mental
resources in tracking the behaviors of the more dominant members. Humans
generate more cortisol in their presence. Humans adjust their eye-contact
patterns based on dominance-submission assessments. All this is done
subconsciously, and is the product of millions of years of primate evolution.
But
the developing primate brain would challenge overt violence-based dominance
behaviors, and therefore change the way they were executed. Chimps would
precede humans in the usage of complex social alliances to safely execute
dominance. As the primate brain grew, violence-based dominance became
difficult without organized social alliances. In humans, dominance would
become difficult (and dangerous) to maintain without some form of benefit
for both the dominant and submissive parties.
This
would tend to limit the usage of dominance behaviors to workplace or
family environments, where some benefit could be obtained even for subordinate
members. Both of these environments are engaged in the control of
resources.
Dominance, for our purposes, is defined as resource-control.
Practicing
overt dominance behaviors outside of these social groups is dangerous,
and humans generally have well-adapted behavioral inhibition mechanisms
to properly select the time and place to engage in dominance. The automobile,
as seen above photo, would provide a safe haven for the overt display
of dominance behaviors (not to mention the blogosphere).
Dominance
behaviors are related to some form of resource-control, and the
reproductive advantages of socially dominant primates is substantial.
Primate dominance displays are designed to increase the perceived physical
prowess and threat assessments from competing conspecifics, and humans
have done much to adapt these into more subtle and less aggressive behaviors
while maintaining the same dominance impact.
The question is, are dominance behaviors practiced equally
by Conservatives and Liberals?
Maintenance
of Eye Contact
One
such primate dominance behavior inherited by humans is maintenance
of eye contact. Maintaining eye contact is a common
dominance behavior throughout the primate world. However, we must be
careful here, as eye contact is also utilized to resolve emotional
states in others and also to convey affiliative attitudes. Extracting
competitive versus affiliative motivations for maintaining eye contact
is not easy.
We
asked the 2,485 respondents to our survey how frequently do you maintain
eye contact during conversations?

Eye Contact: Constantly (in Red),
More Than Half the Time (in Yellow)
(VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative, VC=Very
Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)
In
the above graph, we see the constantly and more than half
of the time responses by political and gender cohorts.
The Conservatives in both genders are more likely to maintain constant
eye contact during conversations. The females, on average, were
more likely than males to maintain constant eye contact.
However,
this does not distinguish whether this elevation in Conservative eye
contact is an expression of a subtle form of dominance behavior
or an enhanced tendency for affiliation and resolving emotional states
in others. To shed some light on this, let's look at how eye contact
correlates to rank within the workplace. In the graph below,
we see the percentages of those respondents that report higher than
average rank within their workplace. In this graph, we combined
the Very Conservative cohort into the Conservative cohort, and the Very
Liberal cohort into the Liberal cohort.

Higher Than Average Rank At the Workplace: (Less=Less
than half eye contact, Half=Half eye contact, More=More
than half eye contact) (L=Liberal, C=Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)
In
this graph, we see the remarkable correlation between eye contact
and rank at the workplace. Those with the lowest rates of eye
contact achieve the lowest ranks, on average. Those with the highest
rates of eye contact achieve the highest ranks. The Conservative
females with less eye contact did not report a single case of
being in the upper echelons of their workplaces.
Interestingly,
the Conservatives with less eye contact were much less likely
to achieve higher ranks than were the Liberals with less eye
contact. On the other hand, the Conservative males with more
eye contact were the undisputed kings of the workplace.
This
is evidence that the elevation in eye contact has dominance overtones,
at least for males. But this is to be expected, as the Conservative
male's greater propensity to organize into hierarchical social groups
is facilitated by dominance behaviors. While the Conservative females
have reported, on average, a greater tendency to ascend into the higher
ranks at their workplaces, it is not as pronounced and conclusive as
the Conservative male trend.
The
Liberals are also using dominance behaviors successfully at the workplace,
as indicative of their correlation between workplace rank and
eye contact. But on average, Liberals were less likely than Conservatives
to report this key behavior.
Discussion
The
controversial issue of variations in Conservative and Liberal dominance
behaviors will certainly not be resolved with the very limited evidence
we have gathered. We have only controlled for one well-established primate
dominance behavior, maintenance of eye contact, and the possibility
that there are dominance behaviors practiced more by Liberals is quite
good. For example, Liberals curse more than Conservatives, and public
cursing may have dominance overtones.
It
is probable that the Conservative ascent into higher ranks at the workplace
may not only be related to their greater tendency towards dominance
behaviors, but also their greater tendency for submissive behaviors
towards dominant members. The elevated acceptance of the rich
and powerful by the Conservatives may be indicative of this propensity.
Interestingly, the low ranking Conservatives reported the lowest eye
contact levels of any political cohort--even lower than the Liberals.
Conservatives
indeed may be better at executing both dominance and submissive behaviors
than are the Liberals. The enhanced tendency of the male Conservatives
to organize into hierarchical social groups is certainly facilitated
by alternating displays of dominance and submissive behaviors in the
appropriate situations.
Obvious examples of this are military organizations, which exhibit overt
dominance and submissive behaviors, plainly visible social ranks, high
rates of intragroup competition, and elevated threat assessments from
external groups. It is no coincidence that military organizations have
a substantial majority of Conservatives, and further evidence of the
Conservative male's tendency to organize into hierarchical social groups.
_____________________________________________________
The
Hemisphericity of Fascism and Communism
Hemisphericity
is the tendency to favor the cognitive style of the brain's left or
right hemisphere. The vertebrate brain is a paired-organ, and each
hemisphere is specialized in both sensory-motor and cognitive functionality.
This difference is illustrated in the following artwork.

The Left and Right Brain Drawings of the Triangle on the Left
The drawing on
the left of the triangle consisting of tiny squares was requested
to be redrawn by a split-brain patient. The drawing in the middle
was done by the patient's left hemisphere, and the drawing on the
right was done by the right hemisphere.
The left hemisphere
did not see the overall shape of the individual parts. The right hemisphere
did not see the individual details within the overall shape. This
difference is indicative of two different views of the world, one
based on a categorization system that supports the relative
organization of objects (the left hemisphere), and one based on a
coordinate system providing an internal neural analog map of
the external world (the right hemisphere).
The differences
in hemispheric cognition are substantial, and provide the foundation
for variations in political, religious, and economic behavior, which
has been proposed in Brack and Zhang's Hemisphericity
Theory of Political Orientation.
In our Spring
2006 survey, we detected a strong correlation between hemisphericity
and the "forced" preference of fascism and communism.
By "forced", we mean that the respondents were asked to
choose one of the following three alternatives--anarchy, fascism,
and communism.
We also controlled
for hemisphericity, assigning each respondent into one of three possible
hemispheric orientations based on their responses: left-brained,
right-brained, or bilateral. In the graph below, we see the "forced"
preferences for fascism versus communism. These results
were weighted for an equal number of Conservatives and Liberals, and
include the Moderate, Libertarian, and Apolitical respondents.

"Forced" Preference for Communism (in Blue)
versus Fascism (in Red) (Left=Left
Hemispheric Preference, Right=Right Hemispheric Preference,
Bilateral=No hemispheric preference) (F=Female, M=Male)
As can be seen,
the preference for communism versus fascism is a function
of hemisphericity. Females, in general, have a stronger preference
for communism over fascism than do males (males would
have higher preferences for anarchy, which is not shown). The
female preference for fascism would be highest in the "left-brained"
females, and would decrease as the hemisphericity rating shifted towards
the right hemisphere.
The "left-brained"
males would favor fascism over communism, and the males
with no hemispheric preference would favor communism over fascism.
The "right-brained" males had a very strong preference for
communism over fascism.
Interestingly,
the left-hemisphere's categorization, reward-seeking, and monosemantic
nature seems to favor fascist social organizations. The right-hemisphere's
coordinate mapping, reward-inhibition, and polysemantic nature seems
to favor communist social organizations.
|
Birth
Rates, Warfare, Stress Disorders, and the Conservative-Liberal Ratio
Part
2 of The Evolutionary Value of Conservatism and Liberalism
Conservatism and Liberalism are as much reproductive strategies as they
are political ideologies. Simply put, the Conservatives (and the religious)
are more likely to align their habitats to their birth rates, and the
Liberals are more likely to align their birth rates to their habitats.
(Our data is heavily weighted towards caucasians, and we cannot,
with any certainty, make this same assertion for other ethnicities,
although it may indeed be true).
Evolutionary
biologists refer to this phenomenon as reproductive polymorphism--which
simply means that members of the same population are practicing different
reproductive strategies. This is quite common in the animal kingdom,
and it should be no surprise that different reproductive strategies
correspond to different political and religious dispositions in humans.
But the Conservative advantage in reproduction and the heritability
of political attitudes naturally raises the question--does the probability
of warfare increase as the Liberals gradually dwindle in their political
influence due to their reduced birth rates?
In
last
month's edition, we discussed John Maynard Smith's first attempt
at the application of evolutionary biology to animal "political"
behavior. The left-leaning Smith invented the Hawk-Dove game,
where his war-mongering Hawks stole all of the peaceful Dove's resources
without any resistance. The Hawks were only at risk when they encountered
another Hawk, at which time a conflict ensued, causing substantial damage
to both Hawks.
The
proportions of Hawks and Doves would oscillate in peace-and-conflict
cycles. The decrease in the proportion of Doves caused by their resource
losses to the Hawks would increase the number of Hawks and also the
rate of conflict with other Hawks, which would subsequently decrease
the number of Hawks and increase the proportions of the Doves, and so
on. Ironically, the Hawks were killed by war, and the Doves were
killed by peace. Adding a reproductive advantage for the Hawks to
this model would amplify the changes in Hawk-Dove proportions.
As
discussed in last month's edition, all of this implies that political
orientation is heritable, and the recent heterozygous and homozygous
twins studies by Bouchard and Alford have indeed
given genetics priority over environment in the determination of political
attitudes.
But
is there any historical evidence of oscillations in the proportions
of Liberals and Conservatives that are the result of peace-and-conflict
cycles?
The
Vietnam War, which was Smith's primary inspiration for the Hawk-Dove
game, was limited in scale--at least on the American side. The resulting
genetically-induced political shift in the American population was not
likely to be detectable, and certainly the environmental influences
on subsequent political attitudes were more significant. (The psychological
impact of warfare on political disposition will be discussed later in
this article).
If
genetically-induced political shifts via peace-and-conflict cycles
were detectable, World War II would certainly be the best opportunity.
Germany lost about 3.5 million military personnel and about 1.6 million
civilians, which leaned less to the right than the average German soldier.
By itself, the higher rate of attrition of military personnel shifts
the average political dispositions of the total population leftward,
although this would only be detectable in large scale warfare.
The strong rightward political shift in pre-war Germany that was subsequently
followed by a pronounced leftward political shift at the end of World
War II was certainly one of the most remarkable political phenomena
of the 20th century. The loss of 3.5 million German soldiers most likely
constituted a measurable influence contributing to this shift.
One
of the interesting aspects of World War II was the strong elevation
in birth rates in Germany during the 1930s. German birth rates were
exceptionally low at the turn of the 20th century, at about 3 births
per 1000 people, and escalated rapidly during Hitler's "restoration
of the family" program. At the start of World War II, birth rates
reached their maximum level at 20 per 1000. (Hitler would award a golden
Honor Cross of the German Mother for women that had more than
eight children).
But
are high birth rates and warfare just a coincidence?
The
Turchin Population-Warfare Models
The
Malthusian population-warfare model has been the subject of much debate
since its introduction in 1798. While it has gone through periods of
favor and disfavor within the anthropological community, a recent case-study
analysis by Turchin and Korotayev has indeed found strong
positive correlations between population growth and warfare, at least
in agrarian societies.
By comparing the warfare and population data from the Roman Empire,
Han and Tang China, and early modern England, they found a strong correlation
between conflict and population growth. They also found that population
would frequently peak right before periods of conflict, at which point
the populations would shrink rapidly. They detected a population-warfare
cycle that would oscillate in 100 to 300 year cycles.
The
Turchin analysis and population-warfare models did not acknowledge the
different reproductive rates of the various political-religious phenotypes.
While Germany fit a population-warfare model quite well, with a pre-war
increase in birth rates followed by a post-war decrease, German birth
rates would not hit their 20th century high mark until the 1960s.
Obviously,
pure population-warfare models would work a lot better after the introduction
of resource competition, age composition, and productivity
changes. Modern day population-warfare models can contain dozens
of independent variables, and provide remarkably close fits to historical
data. To our knowledge, no current model exists that incorporates birth
rate variations by political-religious phenotypes.
The German case certainly had a number of variables that came together
to create the unprecedented cataclysm of World War II. While it is speculative
that higher right-wing birth rates were a contributing factor in the
pre-war German rightward shift--the post-war era is of more interest.
Post-War
German Liberalism
The
post-war German shift towards liberalism was met with quite a bit of
suspicion among the occupation forces, and with good reason. But over
and above the post-war German tendency to feign anti-Nazi attitudes,
liberal attitude shifts seem to occur quickly after substantial warfare
losses of a rightest regime.
The defeat of Napoleon led to an immediate leftward shift in France.
The Chinese defeats at the hands of the Japanese led to the rise of
Mao Zedong. The World War I German defeat resulted in a brief experiment
with democracy. The British victory in the Falklands led to the overthrow
of the military regime in Argentina.
The
leftward shift in political attitudes occurs invariably after a rightward
regime suffers a substantial military defeat. However, the reverse is
also true, and seen more recently in the defeat of the Democrats in
1968 during the lingering Vietnam War.
Warfare
events create rapid swings in political dispositions. But many of these
swings are only temporary. In the German case, Hitler's initial victories
in the Rhineland, Austria, and the Sudetenland were swift, relatively
bloodless, and would further shift the population towards the right
and positioning Germany for even riskier endeavors.
But the attack on Russia would lead to substantial battlefield losses,
immediately lowering the benefit-cost assessments of the war, fueling
German liberalistic attitudes, and finally resulting in an assassination
attempt on Hitler in July of 1944. As the Russians advanced, attitudes
promoting peace with Russia were sharply on the rise. This was a remarkable
political turnaround in a society, where just a few years earlier, very
few self-proclaimed "peace-niks" could be found.
Warfare
and the Liberalization of Populations
Rates
of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in warfare vary with the type
of warfare experience. About 25% of American combat soldiers in Vietnam
were afflicted with PTSD. For soldiers subjected to the highest rates
of combat, the rate swelled to 65%. For prisoners of war, the rate was
about 50%, which was also the rate for wartime refugees.
But
PTSD has some long-lasting impacts on the brain, one of which is to
shift the perceptual, cognitive, and autonomic processes more towards
the right hemisphere--the hemisphere more closely associated with liberalistic
attitudes. PTSD patients also report higher rates of depression, social
anxiety disorder, and agoraphobia, which coincidentally, are all elevated
in Liberals.
While
we have no direct evidence that PTSD coincides with a "liberalization"
of one's political views, it certainly is consistent with the general
Liberal pattern of elevated anxious and depressive disorders. The strong
shift towards liberalism in post-war Germany and Japan certainly correlates
strongly with the widespread PTSD in those respective populations.
The
influence of first-generation PTSD can be spread to the offspring, as
studies of hetero and homozygous twins have established. Parental anxious-depressive
disorders can be transmitted to offspring via environmental exposure.
We saw an interesting pattern from our Fall 2005 survey of 2,162 respondents,
where we asked: Did your mother and/or father have any depressive
or anxious symptoms when you were growing up? In the graph below,
we see the percentage of those observing depressive or anxious symptoms
in their parents.

Those Reporting Parents Exhibited Depressive/Anxiety
Disorders: (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, C=Conservative,
VC=Very Conservative) (F=Female, M=Male)
As
we see in the above graph, the Liberals had a substantial elevation
in their reports of parental anxiety-depression. The Very Liberals reported
the highest levels, and the Very Conservatives reported the lowest.
Also note that females reported higher rates than males, on average.
This is possibly due to the superiority of female emotional recognition.
Unfortunately,
we were not able to provide any indicators of the genetic versus environmental
contribution that explains the reported Liberal elevation. However,
based on other studies, the environmental influences can be as high
as 50%. Therefore, we must certainly consider the possibility that PTSD
has a multi-generational impact on political disposition, and that impact
would tend to be more liberal.
Discussion
The
rightward-shift in pre-war German political tendencies would be difficult
to explain using a pure population-warfare model, even if acquiring
more German territory was paramount in the mind of Hitler. Hitler's
ideal of Lebensraum ("living space") was borrowed
from Friedrich Ratzel, who proposed that species must continue
to expand the space they occupy in order to maintain genetic vigor.
Getting
Germany into the position of pulling the trigger on Operation Barbarossa
would take a lot more than just overcrowding, and all of those other
conditions existed at the time Hitler made his fatal mistake of invading
Russia. Germany was coming off an impressive string of military successes
which also contributed to the decision.
However,
the post-war liberalization of Germany requires fewer explanations.
First was the simple elimination of millions of German Army male soldiers
which were more right-wing than the average German civilian (based on
the fact that military personnel tend to be more right-wing than the
average civilian). This is analogous to the Hawks being killed by
war, and the Doves being killed by peace model in Smith's game.
Second
was the widespread post-traumatic stress disorder experienced by both
German soldiers and civilians, mainly in the eastern industrialized
regions. We believe that PTSD has a long-term liberalizing influence
on political attitudes, which may indeed be environmentally inherited
by their children.
Thirdly, the incapacity of Germany to wage war was certainly an inducement
for Germans to more readily embrace liberalistic attitudes, as there
were no more benefits and substantial losses to be obtained by further
warfare. Once the ability to wage war is removed, liberalism is not
far behind. However, post-war German liberalism was by no means ubiquitous,
as liberalistic attitudes were feigned at a very high rate immediately
after the war.
The hypothesis that the asymmetrical birth rates of Conservatives and
Liberals are contributing to a long-term increase in the Conservative-to-Liberal
ratio obviously begs the question--why are there still so many Liberals?
Does
this also imply that an increasing Conservative-to-Liberal ratio results
in a greater probability for a society to engage in conflict? Further,
as in Smith's Hawks vs. Doves game, do these conflicts reduce
the numbers of Conservatives relative to the Liberals?
Meaningful
reductions in the numbers of the right-wing would presumably only take
place in full-scale warfare, which would result in large reductions
in the number of military personnel. While this seems not to be applicable
to the very limited-scale warfare of the last 60 years, this was possibly
a significant evolutionary process throughout human history, at least
prior to 1946. However, no such studies currently exist that detail
the changes in political-religious phenotypes in peace-and-warfare
cycles, so this remains to be seen.
The
higher caucasian Conservative birth rates have certainly been a contributing
factor to increasing the caucasian Conservative-to-Liberal ratio. However,
several other conservatizing processes are at work, such as the
migration of caucasians into the lower latitudes of the U.S., which
we believe contributes to Conservative attitudes, via the enhanced impact
of sunlight on the production of the sex hormones. We have also proposed
that an aging population further raises the Conservative-to-Liberal
ratio via the asymmetric aging of the right hemisphere.
With
all these tendencies helping the Conservatives, the percentage of U.S.
Liberals is maintaining some stability due to the immigration of non-caucasians.
While numerous studies are giving contrasting (and politically motivated)
statistics on the trends in the proportions of Conservatives and Liberals,
the U.S. general elections are the best indicator of the American Conservative
political trend.
However,
we believe there are a number of other factors that tend to either secularly
liberalize or conservatize populations. These phenomena are diverse
and sometimes surprising, as we will discuss at length in upcoming editions.
We
believe that the growing segregation of caucasian Conservatives from
the Liberals are due to a number of variables, including both their
asymmetric latitudinal distribution and the explosion in the number
of politically polarized media sources. The American political news
diet was typically fed by three major television networks, which contributed
to less polarity in political attitudes. However, this historically
moderating influence is no longer very operational.
However,
few things have the instantaneous impact on political attitudes as does
warfare. This to be expected, as warfare attitudes are built right on
top of our fight-vs-flight instinct. As we see in the current
Iraqi conflict, humans are especially practical about warfare. The benefit-cost
assessments of warfare are a negative function of time, and the
American electorate, even after its substantial infusion of caucasian
Conservatism created by higher Conservative birth rates for the last
several decades, is threatening the Republican control of Congress.
Whether
or not the current incursion into Iraq was motivated by defense
and/or resource competition for oil is not relevant for our purposes,
as both cognitive tendencies have similar neurological signatures. Unlike
the Vietnam War, which led to the downfall of the Democrats in 1968,
the Iraqi Conflict did not lead to a corresponding downfall for the
Republicans. The higher Conservative birth rates since the end of World
War II certainly imposed their will on the 2004 U.S. elections.
They
will get their next test in 2006.
________________________________________________________
Brack and Zhang, May 2006
Email: Brack@Neuropolitics.org
Zhang@Neuropolitics.org
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