The
Conservative's Need for Interior Space
In
last month's issue, we discussed the unusual tolerance that Liberals
have for high population densities. On the other hand, the Conservatives
tend to avoid high density environments, especially the caucasians.
We hypothesized that the Conservative's greater tendency towards defensive
and reproductive behaviors were behind this aversion to urban life.
Rush Hour on a Tokyo Train
We also discussed the role of the sex hormones (testosterone, estrogen,
and progesterone) in this greater need for space, and implied that caucasian
Conservative males were, on average, more skewed towards the testosterone
side of the testosterone-estrogen ratio. The caucasian Conservative
females were more skewed towards the estrogen side of this scale, with
Liberal males and females falling somewhere in between, on average.
We
also implicated the serotonergic system as moderating the influence
of the sex hormones on territorial behavior, thereby increasing the
tolerance for the space reductions required for urban living. We also
speculated that the serotonergic system was more "active"
in Liberals than Conservatives.
However,
the desire for space is not just restricted to the area outside of the
home--but also within it. We asked the 2,104 people that responded to
our Fall 2005 Survey to estimate the size of their current home and
the number of people currently in it. We then computed an average square
footage per person. Since we did not control for age and sex in our
survey sample, we will include them in our cohort analysis. If we look
at our first table, we see the persons per home and average square footage
per person.
|
Political Affiliation
|
Gender
|
Age Group
|
Persons per Home
|
Average Square Footage per Person
|
|
Conservative
|
Female
|
Under 25
|
3.42
|
516
|
|
Conservative
|
Female
|
25-49
|
2.91
|
663
|
|
Conservative
|
Female
|
50+
|
2.34
|
860
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
Liberal
|
Female
|
Under 25
|
3.38
|
516
|
|
Liberal
|
Female
|
25-49
|
2.62
|
626
|
|
Liberal
|
Female
|
50+
|
2.11
|
840
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
Conservative
|
Male
|
Under 25
|
3.53
|
565
|
|
Conservative
|
Male
|
25-49
|
2.84
|
679
|
|
Conservative
|
Male
|
50+
|
2.34
|
903
|
| |
|
|
|
|
|
Liberal
|
Male
|
Under 25
|
3.48
|
520
|
|
Liberal
|
Male
|
25-49
|
2.65
|
597
|
|
Liberal
|
Male
|
50+
|
2.33
|
793
|
Persons
per Home and Average Square Footage
As
we see in the above table, the Conservatives of both genders have a
higher average square footage per person across all age cohorts. This
is true, even though the Conservtives have a higher number of people
per household.
Since
this is not controlled for income and the relative affordability of
local real estate, we cannot be certain that Conservatives have a higher
preference for space, or if we are looking at an income effect. Let's
look at some other information that might provide some corroborating
evidence of the Conservative need for more interior space, regardless
of income levels.
In
the following graph, we see the average persons per household and average
square footage per person by community size. In this graph, males and
females are combined together in each political cohort.
|
Community Size
|
Political Cohort
|
Persons per Home
|
Average Square Footage per Person
|
|
Rural
|
Conservative
|
3.08
|
666
|
|
Rural
|
Liberal
|
2.90
|
653
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Big Cities
|
Conservative
|
2.64
|
693
|
|
Big Cities
|
Liberal
|
2.51
|
594
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Suburbs of Big Cites
|
Conservative
|
2.94
|
721
|
|
Suburbs of Big Cities
|
Liberal
|
3.00
|
614
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Small Cities
|
Conservative
|
2.73
|
676
|
|
Small Cities
|
Liberal
|
2.56
|
659
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Suburbs of Small Cities
|
Conservative
|
3.02
|
673
|
|
Suburbs of Small Cities
|
Liberal
|
2.86
|
599
|
Persons Per Home and Square Footage by Community Size
Regardless
of the community size, the Conservatives have a significant elevation
in square footage per person when compared to the Liberals. This occurs
even if Conservatives have more persons per household than Liberals.
Note also that the lowest persons per household occurs in the cities,
both big and small. In our survey, the highest persons per household
are in rural areas and the suburbs of both big and small cities.
The
Conservatives averaged 694 square feet across all community sizes, with
the minimum in the rural areas at 666, and the maximum in the big city
suburbs at 721. The Conservatives tend to maintain their square footage
requirements regardless of where they live, even if it is in a big city.
Similarly, the Liberals averaged 622 square feet in our survey, with
a minimum of 594 in big cities to a maximum of 659 in small cities.
The Liberals were also consistent in their square footage requirements.
Discussion
Each
human has a specific tolerance for density levels that vary over time
and by relationship type. Children are more tolerant of high-density
environments, especially if they involve other children. The spatial
requirements of humans increase during puberty, strongly implicating
the role of the sex hormones.
Wendy
Regoeczi researched social behavior and the relationship to density
in household environments, and found that the relationship between pro-social
behavior and household density is nonlinear. That is, pro-social behaviors
increased as the household density went from zero to 1.18 persons per
room. As the density went above 1.18 persons per room, pro-social behaviors
declined and anti-social behavior grew in proportion to the rate of
overcrowding. However, this research was limited to the city of Toronto,
so this number may vary with climate and ethnicity.
The
elevated spatial requirements of Conservatives are reflected in both
a stronger distaste for urban life and a greater desire for more
household space than Liberals. As
we have previously discussed, both of these tendencies implicate the
role of the sex hormones and the roles of the monoamine neurotransmitters,
and in particular the serotonergic system, which assists in the control
of the territorial behaviors associated with elevated sex hormones.
In
our Fall 2005 survey, the dislike for urban environments was most prominent
with caucasian Conservatives. The caucasian Liberals did not differ
much from non-caucasians in their attitudes towards urban life. This
aversion to high population densities has had a profound impact on the
political and economic history of mankind.
This
might partially explain the conservative tendencies of newly settled
areas. The enhanced spatial requirements of caucasians have led them
to occupy a more territory per person than other racial groups.
The
above picture of people being packed into a Tokyo train is not likely
to happen with caucasians in Texas. We will discuss this interesting
variation between different ethnicities and population density tolerance
in future issues.
___________________________________
Cursing:
What the @#*! Does It Have To Do With Politics?
Slang
words typically have short lives. Let's take the word groovy,
used mainly in the 1960's, actually originated in the 1930's. Groovy,
for you youngsters out there, means something similar
to cool, another word that originated back in the 1930's.
While
someone using groovy today is likely to
raise a few eyebrows, cool has somehow managed to solidify
its foothold in the English language, and further extend its position
into French and German.
Why
do two words, originating at the same time and meaning the same thing,
take such different directions? Cool has had a few advantages
over groovy. Groovy has the dreaded y
ending, pronounced as ee. While this would be useful
for the English curse word bloody, a vowel sound ending
a slang word typically has a short life span. Groovy would
gain extra life after it was shortened back to groove,
which ironically was where it started.
But
cool had another advantage, and that is the k
sound at the beginning. The k sound would have a special
significance in the English language, and that is at the end of many
curse words. The English language has an inordinate number of curse
words that end with ***k or ***t.
This
curious preference towards curse words with terminal k's
or t's may indicate a stronger activation of the right
hemisphere with certain consonant sounds. People with neurological disorders
such as aphasia, and can no longer speak, can still curse quite capably.
The brain organizes words with strong emotional content differently
than regular words, and adapts certain right hemispheric neural networks
in addition to the usual left hemispheric regions that process and generate
ordinary semantic language.
But
what has this got to do with Liberals and Conservatives? In the graph
below, we see the percentages of those indicating that they curse frequently.

Cursing
Frequently - By Political Cohort By Gender
As
we see, the Very Liberal females are much more likely to curse than
the other female cohorts. The regular Liberal females also have a higher
rate of cursing. The Conservative females are the most modest of the
female cohorts.
The
males were much more consistent across political cohorts, but the Very
Liberals were still elevated, and achieved the highest rate across all
cohorts, male or female. The Liberal and Moderate males came next, followed
by the Conservatives. The males in general had higher rates of cursing
than their female counterparts.
While
this is more evidence implicating a greater influence of the right hemisphere
in Liberal behavior, people that curse frequently have some interesting
characteristics, regardless of their political affiliation.
First, they are more likely to be politically aroused. They tend to
be younger. They remember their dreams more often. They are much more
likely to think about sex. They are less likely to be religious, but
equally likely to be spiritual. They are more likely to say they are
under stress, and more likely to sweat--another indicator of elevated
activity in the right hemisphere.
Brack and Zhang,
November 2005
Email: Brack@neuropolitics.org
  Zhang@neuropolitics.org
|
Political
and Sexual Arousal in Conservatives and Liberals
(Part
1)
Some people have no awareness or concern for political events. Other
people are unable to have a short conversation without interjecting
a political comment. So what is behind this wide range of political
focus? Why are some people constantly politically aroused? And
is this political arousal related to sexual arousal?
Heretofore,
we have allowed our survey respondents to classify themselves into one
of five political cohorts: Conservatives, Liberals, Very Conservatives,
Very Liberals, and Moderates. We compare this self-classification
against some sample political questions, and have found that people
generally do a good job at categorizing themselves, with some exceptions
(the Very Conservative married female has the highest rate of misclassifying
herself, and coincidentally is the most likely to vote based on the
wishes of her spouse).
But
what causes someone to classify themselves as Very Conservative
instead of just Conservative? Or Very Liberal instead
of just Liberal? Are they more likely to take a stronger position
on the issues? Or do they basically have the same opinions, but just
think about them more often?
The
answer to both questions is a qualified "yes". If we look
at the graph below, we see the percentages of those that think
about politics many times a day,
which would qualify as an elevated state of political arousal.

Thinking
About Politics Many Times A Day - By Political Cohort
By Gender (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative,VC=Very
Conservative)
As
we see, the Very Liberals and Very Conservatives do tend to think
about politics more, and are the two most politically aroused cohorts.
But on average, are their beliefs very different from the regular
Liberals or Conservatives? In our Fall 2005 survey, we asked their
opinions on three major questions: abortion, gun control, and Iraq,
and the results were somewhat surprising.
The
Very Conservatives were slightly more likely than the regular Conservatives
to think that the war in Iraq was a mistake (9.5% to 8.3%). The Very
Liberals were slightly more likely than the regular Liberals to be in
favor of outlawing abortion (15.5% to 14.0%).
Abortion
is an issue where the Very Conservatives would diverge sharply from
the regular Conservatives. 65.5% of the Very Conservatives want to make
abortion illegal, as compared to just 40.8% of the regular Conservatives.
The Very Conservatives and regular Conservatives vary minimally when
it comes to Iraq or gun control.
Similarly, the Very Liberals and Liberals also did not vary much from
each other with regards to Iraq or gun control. In contrast to the
Very Conservatives and Conservatives, they were very close in their
positions on abortion.
However, we did find differences in how much they think about
politics. The Very Liberal and Liberal males were relatively close to
each other, but sharply elevated when compared to other cohorts. 71.4%
of the Very Liberal males think about politics many times a day,
as compared to 59.9% of the the regular Liberal males.
The
Conservatives were less likely to think about politics many times
a day. The Very Conservative males were at 66.0%, and the regular
Conservative males were at 48.5%. The Moderate males were the lowest
of the male cohorts, at 35.4%.
On the female side, 69.5% of the Very Liberal females think about politics
many times a day, as compared to just 41.0% of the regular Liberal
females. The Very Conservative females were at 54.9%, and the regular
Conservative females at 37.8%. The Moderate females were at 26.9%, the
lowest of any cohort. The Very Liberal females were highly elevated
relative to the rest of the female cohorts.
While
it appears that the Very Liberals are more likely to hold stronger
liberal viewpoints than regular Liberals, this is not consistent from
issue to issue. As we saw, the Very Liberals were slightly more likely
to be against abortion than the regular Liberals, in both males and
females.
The Very Liberals were more likely to indicate that they make their
political decisions based on "Social Concern" rather than
on "Logical Analysis of Issues" (43.4% vs 39.4%). The regular
Liberals were the opposite, as they were more likely to indicate that
"Logical Analysis of Issues" was more important than "Social
Concern" (46.6% vs 31.5%). However, there was quite a difference
between males and females.
The
Very Conservatives were more likely to indicate that "Morals"
were at the core of their political decision making than were the regular
Conservatives (32.3% vs 19.5%), although both cohorts were more likely
to indicate "Logical Analysis of Issues" than any other reason.
Again, this varied between males and females.
Rates
of Sexual Arousal in Females
We
asked the participants to our Fall 2005 survey two questions: "how
often do you think about sex?", and another about "how
often do you like to be hugged or touched?". The results
were fascinating, to say the least.
The
first graph shows the percentage of females by political cohort that
responded "many times a day" to our first question
"how often do you think about sex?".

Females Thinking About Sex Many Times A Day - by Political Cohort
(Lib=Liberal, Con=Conservative)
As
you see, the political cohorts are divided into three age cohorts,
Under 25, 25-49, and Over 50. Conservative females report
"many times a day" at higher rates than Liberal females
across every age group. But there is a very sharp decline in the "many
times a day" as females age.
Now
let's take a look at our intermediate group, those females that answered
"a few times a day" in the graph below:

Females Thinking About Sex a Few Times A Day -
by Political Cohort
The
Liberal females had higher rates of intermediate sexual arousal, across
all cohorts. Interestingly enough, the 25-49 age group would
be elevated in both political cohorts.
Now let's take a look at our final group which consists of those females
that reported thinking about sex a "few times a week"
or "little".

Females Thinking About Sex a Little - by Political
Cohort
Again,
the Conservative and Liberal patterns are similiar, but elevated slightly
for the Conservative females. The females are very likely to think
less about sex as they grow older, especially in the Over 50 age
group.
The
Conservative females are more elevated in the highest and lowest sexual
arousal groups, and the Liberal females are more elevated in the intermediate
arousal group. However, even though we captured nothing about the
reasons for this conscious sexual awareness, we can presume a heavy
hormonal influence, based on the results.
The fact that all the Conservative and Liberal graphs are almost mirror
images of each other, but scaled slightly differently, is revealing
something fundamental about conscious female sexual awareness. It
peaks in the Under 25 age group, drops moderately in the
25-49 age group, and then drops sharply in the menopausal Over
50 group.
But
is this conscious sexual awareness telling the whole story
of human sexual arousal? We asked another question, "how
often do you like to be hugged or touched?" While positive
responses to this are not necessarily explicitly sexual, when compared
to the above results, we see a very interesting trend.

Females That Frequently Like To Be Hugged or Touched
- by Political Cohort
The
Under 25 age group was the least likely to want to be frequently
hugged or touched. Ironically, this was the same group that indicated
the highest levels of conscious sexual arousal. The 25-49 age
group, which reported moderate levels of sexual arousal, were the most
strongly elevated group when it came to wanting human contact. The Over
50 group, reporting by far the lowest conscious sexual arousal levels,
were still higher overall in their desire for a hug than the Under
25 group. The Conservative females rated higher in the 25-49
and Over 50 age groups, and the Liberals rated higher in the
Under 25.
Discussion
Whether
this trend demonstrates the conversion of female sexual arousal mechanisms
from the visual, auditory, and olfactory cortices and towards the somatosensory
(tactile) cortex with advancing age is speculative.
The implication is that females vary in the sensory orientation of their
sexual arousal mechanisms, and further, those sensory arousal orientations
shift more towards the tactile with advancing age. Does this tactile
arousal mechanism promote long term partner-bonding, as these
females are less likely to be aroused by the sights, sounds, and smells
of non-partners? Whether this shift assists in maintaining partner-bonding
is again idle speculation, but if true, would give the Conservative
females a small advantage in that department.
Also
an issue is the reported spike in the Under 25 Conservative female's
conscious sexual focus. The implication that the Conservative females
may, on average, have their first child at an earlier age than Liberal
females, which in turn, have a sexual awareness profile which may be
oriented towards having their first child later in life. However, there
are numerous factors at play, including ethnic variations, so this remains
to be seen.
In
our December issue of Neuropolitics.org, we will discuss the
Conservative and Liberal males, which will give a different and unexpected
picture, and then begin our discussion on the common neurological substrates
between political and sexual arousal.
|
The
Poligenic Wars
(The War of
the Conservative and Liberal Gene Pools?)
Every
four years, American Conservatives and Liberals engage in a relatively
civilized debate over who should be President, and voice their opinions
in an organized and predominately non-violent fashion. The pre-election
bitterness usually subsides shortly after election day, and Conservatives
and Liberals then go about their daily lives of working together,
socializing together, and generally getting along well together--with
the exception of their DNA.

Shaking hands, but attacking each other's DNA?
Wars,
however, can be fought in many ways, and each gender has its own way
of dealing with undesirables. The male tendency is through violence,
and the female tendency is through sex.
In
either method, the outcome reduces the genetic presence of the undesirables,
either in the short term, as with violent warfare, or the longer term,
via the restriction of reproductive opportunities. Gene warfare between
two populations is often violent. However, within a population, reproductive
selection predominates in gene distribution.
Liberals
and Conservatives seem to do a pretty good job of putting their differences
aside when they need to, but would they go so far as to combine with
each other's genes?
We
asked the 2,104 participants in our Fall 2005 survey if they would
marry someone with political or religious beliefs opposite to their
own. In the graph below, we see the "Yes" responses to the
question "Would you marry someone with opposite political
beliefs?".

All
Ages: Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite
Political Beliefs - By Political Cohort
By Gender (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative,VC=Very
Conservative)
With
the possible exception of the Moderate male, the respondents to our
survey are using political beliefs as a principal criteria for mate
selection. This is especially true with females.
Very
Liberal females were the most likely to apply politics in mate selection,
as only 4.7% indicated they would marry someone with opposite political
beliefs. Very Conservative females were next, at 9.8%. The regular
Liberal females were at 24.5%, and the regular Conservative females
were at 29.1%. The Moderate females were the most tolerant of the
females, but still only at 36.1%. These rates are very low, and indicative
of how significant politics are in female mate selection.
The
males are much more tolerant, but still were applying political criteria
in mate selection. The Very Liberal males were the least likely to
marry someone with opposite political beliefs, came in at 23.6%. This
was followed by the Very Conservative males, at 30.6%. The regular
Liberal males followed at 38.3%, followed by the regular Conservative
males at 39.0%. The Moderate males would apparently marry anyone,
and came in at 70.4%.
The
Liberal cohorts, both male and female, were more likely to apply politics
in mate selection than the Conservative cohorts. But we must note
that this is age dependent, as the younger a person is, the less likely
that politics will be a factor.
The
under 25 cohorts were more likely to accept politically opposite
views, as we see in the graph below.

Under
25 Years Old: Those Who Would Marry Someone With
Opposite Political Beliefs - By Political Cohort By
Gender
The
graph is similar to the All Ages graph above, except almost
all of the Under 25 cohorts were more willing to marry someone
with opposite political views, except for the Very Conservative females,
which drop slightly, from 9.8% to 7.1%. The relaxation of political
criteria among those Under 25 may be indicative of the stronger
influence of child bearing considerations on mate selection. As both
females and males grow older, they were more likely to select against
people with opposite political beliefs (the Very Conservative female
was the only exception).
While
Liberals on average use politics more in their mate selection criteria,
what about religion? We asked another question, "Would
you marry someone with opposite religious beliefs?".
The results
are in the graph below.
 All
Ages: Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite
Religious Beliefs - By Political Cohort By Gender
This
time the Liberals were more likely to select mates with opposite religious
beliefs, and the regular Liberals of both genders now are equal to
the Moderates, which were our most tolerant group with politically
opposite mates. The Conservatives (both regular and very) were more
likely to use religion rather than politics in their mate selection
criteria.
If
we now look at our hormonally active Under 25 cohorts
in the graph below, we see that the Conservatives and the Moderates
of both genders
 Under
25 Years Old: Those Who Would Marry Someone With
Opposite Religious Beliefs - By Political Cohort By
Gender
actually
are more likely to avoid mates with opposite religious beliefs, whereas
the Liberals were more likely to accept them, with the possible exception
of the Very Liberal males. The regular Liberal males were exceptionally
tolerant.
Discussion
These
results indicate that political criteria are applied in mate selection
by Conservatives, Liberals, and even Moderates. Mate selection by
religious criteria has been well documented, but not political selection,
and theories to explain it are correspondingly scarce.
The
Liberals in our survey were more likely to select a mate based on
political affiliation. The Conservatives were more likely to select
a mate based on religious affiliation. The Moderates were also more
inclined to select mates based on religious affiliation, but overall,
were the most tolerant of the political cohorts.
In
the hormonally elevated Under 25 age groups, we see a general
relaxation of political criteria in mate selection. This relaxation
is probably caused by the offspring effect, or the selection
of the optimal genes for breeding, regardless of the political orientation
of their possessor.
However, this offspring effect was not conistently applied
for religious criteria. The Under 25 Liberals were generally
less likely to apply religious criteria, which was consistent with
their reactions to political criteria. However, the Moderates, Conservatives,
and Very Conservatives in the Under 25 age group were more
likely to apply religious criteria in mate selection than were the
older cohorts.
This
propensity to place politics and religion above other mate selection
criteria is more prevalent in females. But what advantage do females
gain by selecting for specific religious or political traits in others?
And how long have they been doing it? After all, organized religious
beliefs date back less than 20,000 years--what male behavioral traits
were females selecting for before then?
Geoffrey
Miller has proposed that people use political attitudes as a proxy
for personality characteristics when selecting a mate. This may also
be true for religious selection. Strict mate selection by religious
orientation has had some impact on the numbers of autosomal recessive
genetic disorders in certain religious groups.
Both
female and male sexual selection tactics have been guiding the human
gene pool, and have been selecting out undesirable attributes since
the inception of the human species. But is this selection by politics
and religion causing genetic drift in the United States and other
countries?
The
United States exhibits political and religious clustering that was
strongly evident in the most recent Presidential election. The Liberals
tend to predominate in cities in latitudes above 36 degrees, near
the Pacific Ocean, Atlantic Ocean, or the Great Lakes. The Conservatives
tend to predominate in inland rural and suburban areas in latitudes
under 45 degrees.
High
concentrations of a particular political or religious group will reduce
the mating pool for the non-members of those groups. The Liberal tolerance
of cities and the Conservative preference for suburban areas drive
their respective migration patterns and provide a measure of segregation
between them. This increases the probability of political-religious
homogeneity in mate selection. Add this to deliberate mate selection
based on political-religious criteria, and you have a substantial
hurdle to gene mixing between divergent political-religious groups.
But
are Conservative genes different from Liberal genes? In our Sunlight
Theory of Political Preference, on this web site, we proposed
the theory that elevated exposure to sunlight promoted the synthesis
of the sex hormones, which in turn elevated the activity of the left
hemisphere's dopaminergic system, which in turn increases the probability
of conservative political preferences in caucasians. Conservatism
is literally being baked into the residents of the sun
belt. We also suspect a similiar impact with heat, but that mechanism
has a different biology.
While
environmental influences are critical, we do suspect that certain
alleles responsible for neural specialization vary in their frequency
between Conservatives and Liberals. This notion is based on the Liberal
tendency for depressive and anxiety disorders, of which there is substantial
evidence for a genetic predisposition.
The
tendency for Liberals and Conservatives to prefer mates based on political
and religious criteria certainly can change the frequencies of certain
alleles that may ultimately promote Liberal or Conservative tendencies.
Are the increasing hostilities between Liberals and Conservatives
reducing their inter-marriages? More to come.
|