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The Conservative's Need for Interior Space

In last month's issue, we discussed the unusual tolerance that Liberals have for high population densities. On the other hand, the Conservatives tend to avoid high density environments, especially the caucasians. We hypothesized that the Conservative's greater tendency towards defensive and reproductive behaviors were behind this aversion to urban life.


Rush Hour on a Tokyo Train

We also discussed the role of the sex hormones (testosterone, estrogen, and progesterone) in this greater need for space, and implied that caucasian Conservative males were, on average, more skewed towards the testosterone side of the testosterone-estrogen ratio. The caucasian Conservative females were more skewed towards the estrogen side of this scale, with Liberal males and females falling somewhere in between, on average.

We also implicated the serotonergic system as moderating the influence of the sex hormones on territorial behavior, thereby increasing the tolerance for the space reductions required for urban living. We also speculated that the serotonergic system was more "active" in Liberals than Conservatives.

However, the desire for space is not just restricted to the area outside of the home--but also within it. We asked the 2,104 people that responded to our Fall 2005 Survey to estimate the size of their current home and the number of people currently in it. We then computed an average square footage per person. Since we did not control for age and sex in our survey sample, we will include them in our cohort analysis. If we look at our first table, we see the persons per home and average square footage per person.

Political Affiliation
Gender
Age Group
Persons per Home
Average Square Footage per Person
Conservative
Female
Under 25
3.42
516
Conservative
Female
25-49
2.91
663
Conservative
Female
50+
2.34
860
         
Liberal
Female
Under 25
3.38
516
Liberal
Female
25-49
2.62
626
Liberal
Female
50+
2.11
840
         
Conservative
Male
Under 25
3.53
565
Conservative
Male
25-49
2.84
679
Conservative
Male
50+
2.34
903
         
Liberal
Male
Under 25
3.48
520
Liberal
Male
25-49
2.65
597
Liberal
Male
50+
2.33
793
Persons per Home and Average Square Footage

As we see in the above table, the Conservatives of both genders have a higher average square footage per person across all age cohorts. This is true, even though the Conservtives have a higher number of people per household.

Since this is not controlled for income and the relative affordability of local real estate, we cannot be certain that Conservatives have a higher preference for space, or if we are looking at an income effect. Let's look at some other information that might provide some corroborating evidence of the Conservative need for more interior space, regardless of income levels.

In the following graph, we see the average persons per household and average square footage per person by community size. In this graph, males and females are combined together in each political cohort.

Community Size
Political Cohort
Persons per Home
Average Square Footage per Person
Rural
Conservative
3.08
666
Rural
Liberal
2.90
653
Big Cities
Conservative
2.64
693
Big Cities
Liberal
2.51
594
Suburbs of Big Cites
Conservative
2.94
721
Suburbs of Big Cities
Liberal
3.00
614
Small Cities
Conservative
2.73
676
Small Cities
Liberal
2.56
659
Suburbs of Small Cities
Conservative
3.02
673
Suburbs of Small Cities
Liberal
2.86
599
        Persons Per Home and Square Footage by Community Size

Regardless of the community size, the Conservatives have a significant elevation in square footage per person when compared to the Liberals. This occurs even if Conservatives have more persons per household than Liberals.

Note also that the lowest persons per household occurs in the cities, both big and small. In our survey, the highest persons per household are in rural areas and the suburbs of both big and small cities.

The Conservatives averaged 694 square feet across all community sizes, with the minimum in the rural areas at 666, and the maximum in the big city suburbs at 721. The Conservatives tend to maintain their square footage requirements regardless of where they live, even if it is in a big city. Similarly, the Liberals averaged 622 square feet in our survey, with a minimum of 594 in big cities to a maximum of 659 in small cities. The Liberals were also consistent in their square footage requirements.

Discussion

Each human has a specific tolerance for density levels that vary over time and by relationship type. Children are more tolerant of high-density environments, especially if they involve other children. The spatial requirements of humans increase during puberty, strongly implicating the role of the sex hormones.

Wendy Regoeczi researched social behavior and the relationship to density in household environments, and found that the relationship between pro-social behavior and household density is nonlinear. That is, pro-social behaviors increased as the household density went from zero to 1.18 persons per room. As the density went above 1.18 persons per room, pro-social behaviors declined and anti-social behavior grew in proportion to the rate of overcrowding. However, this research was limited to the city of Toronto, so this number may vary with climate and ethnicity.

The elevated spatial requirements of Conservatives are reflected in both a stronger distaste for urban life and a greater desire for more household space than Liberals. As we have previously discussed, both of these tendencies implicate the role of the sex hormones and the roles of the monoamine neurotransmitters, and in particular the serotonergic system, which assists in the control of the territorial behaviors associated with elevated sex hormones.

In our Fall 2005 survey, the dislike for urban environments was most prominent with caucasian Conservatives. The caucasian Liberals did not differ much from non-caucasians in their attitudes towards urban life. This aversion to high population densities has had a profound impact on the political and economic history of mankind.

This might partially explain the conservative tendencies of newly settled areas. The enhanced spatial requirements of caucasians have led them to occupy a more territory per person than other racial groups.

The above picture of people being packed into a Tokyo train is not likely to happen with caucasians in Texas. We will discuss this interesting variation between different ethnicities and population density tolerance in future issues.

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Cursing: What the @#*! Does It Have To Do With Politics?

Slang words typically have short lives. Let's take the word groovy, used mainly in the 1960's, actually originated in the 1930's. Groovy, for you youngsters out there, means something similar to cool, another word that originated back in the 1930's.

While someone using groovy today is likely to raise a few eyebrows, cool has somehow managed to solidify its foothold in the English language, and further extend its position into French and German.

Why do two words, originating at the same time and meaning the same thing, take such different directions? Cool has had a few advantages over groovy. Groovy has the dreaded y ending, pronounced as ee. While this would be useful for the English curse word bloody, a vowel sound ending a slang word typically has a short life span. Groovy would gain extra life after it was shortened back to groove, which ironically was where it started.

But cool had another advantage, and that is the k sound at the beginning. The k sound would have a special significance in the English language, and that is at the end of many curse words. The English language has an inordinate number of curse words that end with ***k or ***t.

This curious preference towards curse words with terminal k's or t's may indicate a stronger activation of the right hemisphere with certain consonant sounds. People with neurological disorders such as aphasia, and can no longer speak, can still curse quite capably.

The brain organizes words with strong emotional content differently than regular words, and adapts certain right hemispheric neural networks in addition to the usual left hemispheric regions that process and generate ordinary semantic language.

But what has this got to do with Liberals and Conservatives? In the graph below, we see the percentages of those indicating that they curse frequently.


Cursing Frequently - By Political Cohort By Gender

As we see, the Very Liberal females are much more likely to curse than the other female cohorts. The regular Liberal females also have a higher rate of cursing. The Conservative females are the most modest of the female cohorts.

The males were much more consistent across political cohorts, but the Very Liberals were still elevated, and achieved the highest rate across all cohorts, male or female. The Liberal and Moderate males came next, followed by the Conservatives. The males in general had higher rates of cursing than their female counterparts.

While this is more evidence implicating a greater influence of the right hemisphere in Liberal behavior, people that curse frequently have some interesting characteristics, regardless of their political affiliation.

First, they are more likely to be politically aroused. They tend to be younger. They remember their dreams more often. They are much more likely to think about sex. They are less likely to be religious, but equally likely to be spiritual. They are more likely to say they are under stress, and more likely to sweat--another indicator of elevated activity in the right hemisphere.

 

 

 

 

Brack and Zhang,     November 2005

Email: Brack@neuropolitics.org
          Zhang@neuropolitics.org

 

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Political and Sexual Arousal in Conservatives and Liberals
(Part 1)

Some people have no awareness or concern for political events. Other people are unable to have a short conversation without interjecting a political comment. So what is behind this wide range of political focus? Why are some people constantly politically aroused? And is this political arousal related to sexual arousal?

Heretofore, we have allowed our survey respondents to classify themselves into one of five political cohorts: Conservatives, Liberals, Very Conservatives, Very Liberals, and Moderates. We compare this self-classification against some sample political questions, and have found that people generally do a good job at categorizing themselves, with some exceptions (the Very Conservative married female has the highest rate of misclassifying herself, and coincidentally is the most likely to vote based on the wishes of her spouse).

But what causes someone to classify themselves as Very Conservative instead of just Conservative? Or Very Liberal instead of just Liberal? Are they more likely to take a stronger position on the issues? Or do they basically have the same opinions, but just think about them more often?

The answer to both questions is a qualified "yes". If we look at the graph below, we see the percentages of those that think about politics many times a day, which would qualify as an elevated state of political arousal.


Thinking About Politics Many Times A Day - By Political Cohort By Gender (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative,VC=Very Conservative)

As we see, the Very Liberals and Very Conservatives do tend to think about politics more, and are the two most politically aroused cohorts. But on average, are their beliefs very different from the regular Liberals or Conservatives? In our Fall 2005 survey, we asked their opinions on three major questions: abortion, gun control, and Iraq, and the results were somewhat surprising.

The Very Conservatives were slightly more likely than the regular Conservatives to think that the war in Iraq was a mistake (9.5% to 8.3%). The Very Liberals were slightly more likely than the regular Liberals to be in favor of outlawing abortion (15.5% to 14.0%).

Abortion is an issue where the Very Conservatives would diverge sharply from the regular Conservatives. 65.5% of the Very Conservatives want to make abortion illegal, as compared to just 40.8% of the regular Conservatives. The Very Conservatives and regular Conservatives vary minimally when it comes to Iraq or gun control.

Similarly, the Very Liberals and Liberals also did not vary much from each other with regards to Iraq or gun control. In contrast to the Very Conservatives and Conservatives, they were very close in their positions on abortion.

However, we did find differences in how much they think about politics. The Very Liberal and Liberal males were relatively close to each other, but sharply elevated when compared to other cohorts. 71.4% of the Very Liberal males think about politics many times a day, as compared to 59.9% of the the regular Liberal males.

The Conservatives were less likely to think about politics many times a day. The Very Conservative males were at 66.0%, and the regular Conservative males were at 48.5%. The Moderate males were the lowest of the male cohorts, at 35.4%.

On the female side, 69.5% of the Very Liberal females think about politics many times a day, as compared to just 41.0% of the regular Liberal females. The Very Conservative females were at 54.9%, and the regular Conservative females at 37.8%. The Moderate females were at 26.9%, the lowest of any cohort. The Very Liberal females were highly elevated relative to the rest of the female cohorts.

While it appears that the Very Liberals are more likely to hold stronger liberal viewpoints than regular Liberals, this is not consistent from issue to issue. As we saw, the Very Liberals were slightly more likely to be against abortion than the regular Liberals, in both males and females.

The Very Liberals were more likely to indicate that they make their political decisions based on "Social Concern" rather than on "Logical Analysis of Issues" (43.4% vs 39.4%). The regular Liberals were the opposite, as they were more likely to indicate that "Logical Analysis of Issues" was more important than "Social Concern" (46.6% vs 31.5%). However, there was quite a difference between males and females.

The Very Conservatives were more likely to indicate that "Morals" were at the core of their political decision making than were the regular Conservatives (32.3% vs 19.5%), although both cohorts were more likely to indicate "Logical Analysis of Issues" than any other reason. Again, this varied between males and females.

Rates of Sexual Arousal in Females

We asked the participants to our Fall 2005 survey two questions: "how often do you think about sex?", and another about "how often do you like to be hugged or touched?". The results were fascinating, to say the least.

The first graph shows the percentage of females by political cohort that responded "many times a day" to our first question "how often do you think about sex?".


Females Thinking About Sex Many Times A Day - by Political Cohort
(Lib=Liberal, Con=Conservative)

As you see, the political cohorts are divided into three age cohorts, Under 25, 25-49, and Over 50. Conservative females report "many times a day" at higher rates than Liberal females across every age group. But there is a very sharp decline in the "many times a day" as females age.

Now let's take a look at our intermediate group, those females that answered "a few times a day" in the graph below:


Females Thinking About Sex a Few Times A Day - by Political Cohort

The Liberal females had higher rates of intermediate sexual arousal, across all cohorts. Interestingly enough, the 25-49 age group would be elevated in both political cohorts.

Now let's take a look at our final group which consists of those females that reported thinking about sex a "few times a week" or "little".


Females Thinking About Sex a Little - by Political Cohort

Again, the Conservative and Liberal patterns are similiar, but elevated slightly for the Conservative females. The females are very likely to think less about sex as they grow older, especially in the Over 50 age group.

The Conservative females are more elevated in the highest and lowest sexual arousal groups, and the Liberal females are more elevated in the intermediate arousal group. However, even though we captured nothing about the reasons for this conscious sexual awareness, we can presume a heavy hormonal influence, based on the results.

The fact that all the Conservative and Liberal graphs are almost mirror images of each other, but scaled slightly differently, is revealing something fundamental about conscious female sexual awareness. It peaks in the Under 25 age group, drops moderately in the 25-49 age group, and then drops sharply in the menopausal Over 50 group.

But is this conscious sexual awareness telling the whole story of human sexual arousal? We asked another question, "how often do you like to be hugged or touched?" While positive responses to this are not necessarily explicitly sexual, when compared to the above results, we see a very interesting trend.


Females That Frequently Like To Be Hugged or Touched - by Political Cohort

The Under 25 age group was the least likely to want to be frequently hugged or touched. Ironically, this was the same group that indicated the highest levels of conscious sexual arousal. The 25-49 age group, which reported moderate levels of sexual arousal, were the most strongly elevated group when it came to wanting human contact. The Over 50 group, reporting by far the lowest conscious sexual arousal levels, were still higher overall in their desire for a hug than the Under 25 group. The Conservative females rated higher in the 25-49 and Over 50 age groups, and the Liberals rated higher in the Under 25.

Discussion

Whether this trend demonstrates the conversion of female sexual arousal mechanisms from the visual, auditory, and olfactory cortices and towards the somatosensory (tactile) cortex with advancing age is speculative.

The implication is that females vary in the sensory orientation of their sexual arousal mechanisms, and further, those sensory arousal orientations shift more towards the tactile with advancing age. Does this tactile arousal mechanism promote long term partner-bonding, as these females are less likely to be aroused by the sights, sounds, and smells of non-partners? Whether this shift assists in maintaining partner-bonding is again idle speculation, but if true, would give the Conservative females a small advantage in that department.

Also an issue is the reported spike in the Under 25 Conservative female's conscious sexual focus. The implication that the Conservative females may, on average, have their first child at an earlier age than Liberal females, which in turn, have a sexual awareness profile which may be oriented towards having their first child later in life. However, there are numerous factors at play, including ethnic variations, so this remains to be seen.

In our December issue of Neuropolitics.org, we will discuss the Conservative and Liberal males, which will give a different and unexpected picture, and then begin our discussion on the common neurological substrates between political and sexual arousal.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Poligenic Wars
(The War of the Conservative and Liberal Gene Pools?)

Every four years, American Conservatives and Liberals engage in a relatively civilized debate over who should be President, and voice their opinions in an organized and predominately non-violent fashion. The pre-election bitterness usually subsides shortly after election day, and Conservatives and Liberals then go about their daily lives of working together, socializing together, and generally getting along well together--with the exception of their DNA.


Shaking hands, but attacking each other's DNA?

Wars, however, can be fought in many ways, and each gender has its own way of dealing with undesirables. The male tendency is through violence, and the female tendency is through sex.

In either method, the outcome reduces the genetic presence of the undesirables, either in the short term, as with violent warfare, or the longer term, via the restriction of reproductive opportunities. Gene warfare between two populations is often violent. However, within a population, reproductive selection predominates in gene distribution.

Liberals and Conservatives seem to do a pretty good job of putting their differences aside when they need to, but would they go so far as to combine with each other's genes?

We asked the 2,104 participants in our Fall 2005 survey if they would marry someone with political or religious beliefs opposite to their own. In the graph below, we see the "Yes" responses to the question "Would you marry someone with opposite political beliefs?".


All Ages: Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite Political Beliefs - By Political Cohort By Gender (VL=Very Liberal, L=Liberal, M=Moderate, C=Conservative,VC=Very Conservative)

With the possible exception of the Moderate male, the respondents to our survey are using political beliefs as a principal criteria for mate selection. This is especially true with females.

Very Liberal females were the most likely to apply politics in mate selection, as only 4.7% indicated they would marry someone with opposite political beliefs. Very Conservative females were next, at 9.8%. The regular Liberal females were at 24.5%, and the regular Conservative females were at 29.1%. The Moderate females were the most tolerant of the females, but still only at 36.1%. These rates are very low, and indicative of how significant politics are in female mate selection.

The males are much more tolerant, but still were applying political criteria in mate selection. The Very Liberal males were the least likely to marry someone with opposite political beliefs, came in at 23.6%. This was followed by the Very Conservative males, at 30.6%. The regular Liberal males followed at 38.3%, followed by the regular Conservative males at 39.0%. The Moderate males would apparently marry anyone, and came in at 70.4%.

The Liberal cohorts, both male and female, were more likely to apply politics in mate selection than the Conservative cohorts. But we must note that this is age dependent, as the younger a person is, the less likely that politics will be a factor.

The under 25 cohorts were more likely to accept politically opposite views, as we see in the graph below.


Under 25 Years Old: Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite Political Beliefs - By Political Cohort By Gender

The graph is similar to the All Ages graph above, except almost all of the Under 25 cohorts were more willing to marry someone with opposite political views, except for the Very Conservative females, which drop slightly, from 9.8% to 7.1%. The relaxation of political criteria among those Under 25 may be indicative of the stronger influence of child bearing considerations on mate selection. As both females and males grow older, they were more likely to select against people with opposite political beliefs (the Very Conservative female was the only exception).

While Liberals on average use politics more in their mate selection criteria, what about religion? We asked another question, "Would you marry someone with opposite religious beliefs?". The results are in the graph below.


All Ages:
Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite Religious Beliefs - By Political Cohort By Gender

This time the Liberals were more likely to select mates with opposite religious beliefs, and the regular Liberals of both genders now are equal to the Moderates, which were our most tolerant group with politically opposite mates. The Conservatives (both regular and very) were more likely to use religion rather than politics in their mate selection criteria.

If we now look at our hormonally active Under 25 cohorts in the graph below, we see that the Conservatives and the Moderates of both genders


Under 25 Years Old:
Those Who Would Marry Someone With Opposite Religious Beliefs - By Political Cohort By Gender

actually are more likely to avoid mates with opposite religious beliefs, whereas the Liberals were more likely to accept them, with the possible exception of the Very Liberal males. The regular Liberal males were exceptionally tolerant.

Discussion

These results indicate that political criteria are applied in mate selection by Conservatives, Liberals, and even Moderates. Mate selection by religious criteria has been well documented, but not political selection, and theories to explain it are correspondingly scarce.

The Liberals in our survey were more likely to select a mate based on political affiliation. The Conservatives were more likely to select a mate based on religious affiliation. The Moderates were also more inclined to select mates based on religious affiliation, but overall, were the most tolerant of the political cohorts.

In the hormonally elevated Under 25 age groups, we see a general relaxation of political criteria in mate selection. This relaxation is probably caused by the offspring effect, or the selection of the optimal genes for breeding, regardless of the political orientation of their possessor.

However, this offspring effect was not conistently applied for religious criteria. The Under 25 Liberals were generally less likely to apply religious criteria, which was consistent with their reactions to political criteria. However, the Moderates, Conservatives, and Very Conservatives in the Under 25 age group were more likely to apply religious criteria in mate selection than were the older cohorts.

This propensity to place politics and religion above other mate selection criteria is more prevalent in females. But what advantage do females gain by selecting for specific religious or political traits in others? And how long have they been doing it? After all, organized religious beliefs date back less than 20,000 years--what male behavioral traits were females selecting for before then?

Geoffrey Miller has proposed that people use political attitudes as a proxy for personality characteristics when selecting a mate. This may also be true for religious selection. Strict mate selection by religious orientation has had some impact on the numbers of autosomal recessive genetic disorders in certain religious groups.

Both female and male sexual selection tactics have been guiding the human gene pool, and have been selecting out undesirable attributes since the inception of the human species. But is this selection by politics and religion causing genetic drift in the United States and other countries?

The United States exhibits political and religious clustering that was strongly evident in the most recent Presidential election. The Liberals tend to predominate in cities in latitudes above 36 degrees, near the Pacific Ocean, Atlantic Ocean, or the Great Lakes. The Conservatives tend to predominate in inland rural and suburban areas in latitudes under 45 degrees.

High concentrations of a particular political or religious group will reduce the mating pool for the non-members of those groups. The Liberal tolerance of cities and the Conservative preference for suburban areas drive their respective migration patterns and provide a measure of segregation between them. This increases the probability of political-religious homogeneity in mate selection. Add this to deliberate mate selection based on political-religious criteria, and you have a substantial hurdle to gene mixing between divergent political-religious groups.

But are Conservative genes different from Liberal genes? In our Sunlight Theory of Political Preference, on this web site, we proposed the theory that elevated exposure to sunlight promoted the synthesis of the sex hormones, which in turn elevated the activity of the left hemisphere's dopaminergic system, which in turn increases the probability of conservative political preferences in caucasians. Conservatism is literally being baked into the residents of the sun belt. We also suspect a similiar impact with heat, but that mechanism has a different biology.

While environmental influences are critical, we do suspect that certain alleles responsible for neural specialization vary in their frequency between Conservatives and Liberals. This notion is based on the Liberal tendency for depressive and anxiety disorders, of which there is substantial evidence for a genetic predisposition.

The tendency for Liberals and Conservatives to prefer mates based on political and religious criteria certainly can change the frequencies of certain alleles that may ultimately promote Liberal or Conservative tendencies. Are the increasing hostilities between Liberals and Conservatives reducing their inter-marriages? More to come.